From birth, Israel was a regional  menace until America became its benefactor in the late 1960s. Now it's a  global one, powerful with a large standing army and the latest weapons  and technology, nuclear armed and ready to use them. It's belligerent on  the slightest pretext or none at all, and a threat to world peace and  security because US administrations since Lyndon Johnson supported a  nation of 5.6 million Jews in an area the size of New Jersey, partnering  in its worst crimes and abuses.
It's due largely to the Israeli  Lobby's influence, or as John Mearsheimer and Stephen Walt wrote in  their book, "The Israel Lobby and US Foreign Policy," America's Middle  East policy is driven "almost entirely (by) US domestic politics, and  especially (because of) the (Lobby's) activities....This situation has  no equal in American political history."
In his book, "The Power  of Israel in the United States," James Petras documented its enormous  influence, explaining its roots throughout government, the business  community, the dominant media, academia, the clergy, and powerful  wealthy Jewish families. Broad support comes from thousands of dedicated  activists, including doctors, lawyers, accountants, other  professionals, philanthropists, and journalists given special prominence  and benefits for their unwavering pro-Israeli reporting, suppressing  decades of its militarism, belligerence, and illegal occupation while  vilifying Israel's enemies.
As a result, Israel receives enormous  benefits, including billions in annual aid, the latest weapons and  technology, unrestricted US market access, and free entry of its  immigrants. Its imperial wars, illegal occupation, and crimes of war and  against humanity are supported. Harmful Security Council resolutions  are vetoed and General Assembly ones ignored. As a result, it operates  freely, including spying in America by covertly penetrating US military  bases, the FBI, CIA, IRS, DHS and many other government agencies,  remaining unaccountable for its actions.
Israel is unique as  America's largest aid recipient, on the most favorable terms, and  virtually anything more requested, given openly or covertly, in  violation of the 1961 US Foreign Assistance Act (as amended),  stipulating that no aid be provided to governments that engage:
"in  a consistent pattern of gross violations of internationally recognized  human rights, including torture or cruel, inhuman, or degrading  treatment or punishment, prolonged detention without charges, causing  the disappearance of persons by the abduction and clandestine detention  of those persons, or other flagrant denial of the right to life,  liberty, and the security of person, unless such assistance will  directly benefit the needy people in such country."
In 2004, the  amended Act let the president provide aid to treat orphans, other  vulnerable children, those with HIV/AIDS, and to set up schools and  other supportive programs.
US Aid to Israel
In November  2008, Shirl McArthur of the Washington Report on Middle East Affairs  (WRMEA) used Congressional Research Report (CRS) data for a  "Conservative Estimate of Total Direct US Aid to Israel" since 1949,  saying it's almost $114 billion, but explaining that determining the  exact figure is impossible since parts are buried in various agency  budgets, mostly the Defense Department's (DOD) or in forms not easily  quantifiable.
He states:
"It must be emphasized that this  analysis is a conservative, defensible accounting of US direct aid to  Israel, NOT of Israel's cost to the US or the American taxpayer, not of  the benefits to Israel of US aid. The distinction is important, because  the indirect or consequential costs suffered by the US as a result of  its blind support for Israel exceed by many times the substantial amount  of direct aid" provided.
Besides Afghanistan and other Middle  East conflicts, excluded from McArthur's data, is the mounting Iraq  invasion and occupation cost, estimated by Joseph Stiglitz and Linda  Bilmes to be $3 trillion in their book titled, "The Three Trillion  Dollar War: The True Cost of the Iraq Conflict."
They include an  extra $2 trillion national debt, ad infinitum interest on it, veterans'  healthcare and disability payments, the economic impact of lives lost  and jobs interrupted, the higher cost of oil, the long-term economic  impact, and numerous intangibles such as global anti-American sentiment,  the near universal Arab world view that Washington attacked Iraq for  Israel, and the US's reduced capability to respond to other global  crises and address vital homeland needs.
In his June 2003 WRMEA  article titled, "The Cost to American Taxpayers of the  Israeli-Palestinian Conflict," Thomas Stauffer conservatively estimated  it at around $3 trillion measured in 2002 dollars, nearly four times the  amount for the Vietnam war, also in 2002 dollars.
Stauffer said  US Israeli aid is way-understated:
"since much is outside of the  foreign aid appropriation process or implicit in other programs. It  comes to $1.8 trillion, including special trade advantages, preferential  contracts, or aid buried in other accounts. In addition to the  financial outlay," about 275,000 US jobs are lost annually.
His  estimates include:
-- multi-fold oil price increases;
--  the effect on US jobs and exports;
-- economic and military aid,
--  special benefits to Israel, including privileged contracts for Israeli  firms, legal and illegal weapons and technology transfers, exemption  from US trade protection provisions, discounted "surplus" military  equipment sales, low or no-interest loans, and other undisclosed costly  benefits, exclusively for Israel.
He concluded that Israeli  assistance and Middle East unrest "ha(ve) proven to be very expensive  for the US," much higher than revealed figures. Their total costs "are  some six times the official aid" with all related factors included such  as the price of oil and burden on other regional states. "All states -  not just the US - have borne the burden of conflicts in the Middle  East."
Known US aid includes:
-- annual $3 billion direct  appropriations;
-- undisclosed additional amounts;
--  millions annually to resettle immigrants;
-- disclosed and  unknown billions in loan guarantees;
-- since 1981, economic aid  in direct cash transfers, and since 1985 military aid the same way;
--  Israeli military loans as grants, repayment not required; Israel wants  them called loans to avoid US monitoring; according to the Congressional  Budget Office (CBO), "Technically, the assistance is called loans, but  as a practical matter, the military aid is (given as) grants;"
--  economic aid is the same, Israel spending it as it pleases with no  required accountability;
-- since 1982, Economic Support Fund  (ESF) cash transfers come in lump sum form at the beginning of each  fiscal year, no strings attached - a benefit afforded no other country,  made even greater by investing it in US Treasuries;
-- special  Foreign Military Sales (FMS) funding is also afforded to purchase  American weapons and technology; other countries buy them through the  Defense Department (DOD); Israel deals directly with US companies; other  countries must comply with minimum purchase amounts; Israel has no such  restriction; other countries let DOD disburse funds to suppliers;  Israel pays them directly and is reimbursed by the US Treasury; under  this arrangement, Israeli officials have committed serious offenses,  including embezzlement and improper access to highly classified  information on US weapons and technology;
-- US weapons suppliers  provide offsets by purchasing Israeli products and services;
--  Israel may use over 26% of its aid to buy weapons, munitions and other  equipment from its own companies; no other nation has this benefit; as a  result, its arms industry is one of the world's largest and most  sophisticated; in 2007, it was the 8th largest supplier to developing  countries;
-- aid finances Israel's defense industry;
--  state-of-the-art weapons and technology are provided; and
--  America guarantees Israel's access to oil and finances its settlements -  illegal under international law.
In April 1998, Washington  designed Israel a "major non-NATO ally," qualifying it to receive Excess  Defense Articles (EDA) under Section 516 of the Foreign Assistance Act  and Section 23(a) of the Arms Export Control Act. As a strategic US  ally, it gets unmatched preferential treatment.
In FY 2009, the  If Americans Knew web site said  America gave Israel $7 million or more  daily. Palestinians got nothing, except to police their own people,  strengthen Fatah against Hamas and other competing parties, some  economic aid benefitting Israel and the West, and spotty amounts through  USAID and to UNRWA and US-based NGOs for projects called  "humanitarian."
In their above-mentioned book, Mearsheimer and  Walt said:
"Since the October (1973) War, Washington has provided  Israel with a level of support dwarfing the amounts (given) any other  state. It has been the largest annual recipient of direct US economic  and military assistance since 1976 and the largest total recipient since  World War II. Total direct US aid to Israel amounts to well over $140  billion in 2003 dollars....In per capita terms, the United States gives  each Israeli a direct subsidy worth about $500 per year."
Over  the last 20 years, Washington focused mainly on military aid, increasing  it by $150 million annually since FY 2007, plus additional amounts for  Israeli incursions, planned jointly with Washington.
Before 1998,  Israel annually received military grants of $1.8 billion and economic  ones totaling $1.2 billion. Beginning in FY 2009, by mutual agreement,  economic aid is being reduced by $120 million and military grants  increased by $60 million annually over 10 years. In August 2007, a  memorandum of understanding afforded Israel $30 billion in aid for 10  years, plus later discovered undisclosed amounts, totaling billions.
Budgeted  amounts go mostly for specific projects, such as Israel's Merkava tank,  its Arrow anti-missile missile, other anti-missile systems, and the  cancelled Lavi attack fighter. Grants also go to US - Israeli scientific  and business cooperation organizations, the two largest being the BIRD  (Binational Research & Development) Foundation and the BARD  (Binational Agriculture and Research and Development) Fund.
Congressional  Research Service (CRS) Report on US Foreign Aid to Israel - December 4,  2009
Its latest report affirms Israel as "the largest  cumulative recipient of US foreign assistance since World War II,"  saying it gets nearly $3 billion annually, mainly as military  assistance.
In August 2007, the Bush administration incrementally  increased it by $6 billion over the next decade. For FY 2010, the Obama  administration requested $2.775 billion in Foreign Military Financing  (FMF). Congress provided $555 million of Israel's total FY 2010 FMF in  PL (Public Law) 111-32, in the FY 2009 Supplemental Appropriations Act.  HR 3081 and S 1434 contain the remaining funds.
On July 9, 2009,  HR 3160 was introduced, the Israeli Foreign Assistance Appropriations  Act, 2010. The bill was referred to committee and awaits further action.
Recent  possible military sales include:
-- on September 29, 2008, the  F-35 Joint Strike Fighter with associated equipment and training, a  deal, if consummated, worth up to $15.2 billion; Israel wants up to 75  depending on the cost; negotiations continue, but reported disagreement  was reported over its right to customize aircraft to its needs and the  final per plane cost, from $100 - $200 million depending on the degree  of customization;
-- on September 9, 2008, Patriot Missile Fire  Unit upgrades, 1,000 GBU-39 small diameter guided bombs, and 28,000  M72A7 light anti-armor weapons, in total worth about $330 million;  Israel already has US-supplied Hawk and Patriot missiles as well as its  own defense systems; since 1988, both countries have been developing the  Arrow Anti-Missile system, a weapon with theater ballistic missile  capability; Arrow became operational in 2000; Arrow II is designed to  deter longer-range conventional ballistic missiles, and other systems  are under development, including Arrow III;
-- on July 30, 2008,  nine C-130 J-30 aircraft with associated equipment and training, worth  up to $1.9;  billion; and
-- on July 15, 2008, four Littoral  combat ships, worth up to $1.9 billion, and JP-8 aviation jet fuel worth  up to $1.3 billion; in 2009, Israel declined to purchase these ships  over cost concerns.
American Israeli aid began in 1949 with a  $100 million Export-Import Bank loan and continued modestly for the next  two decades. In 1962, Israel bought its first advanced weapons system,  Hawk anti-aircraft missiles. In 1968, a year after the Six Day War, the  Johnson administration assured Israel's regional military superiority.  Since 1970, large-scale aid followed. In 1971, it was $545 million, and  by 1974 Israel became America's largest aid recipient, two-thirds for  military purposes.
After the 1979 Camp David Accords and Israel -  Egypt Peace Treaty, Washington gave both sides $7.5 billion under the  1979 Special International Security Assistance Act, allocated 3 - 2  favoring Israel. Thereafter, regular and emergency economic and military  aid followed. Today, Israeli allocations far exceed amounts given Egypt  or any other nation.
In 1985, Congress appropriated special  economic assistance of $1.5 billion under terms of a US - Israel Joint  Economic Development Group (JEDG), calling for neoliberal reforms and  empowering Israel's Finance Ministry and national Bank.
Washington  and Tel Aviv colluded for two goals:
-- balancing Israel's  budget; and
-- cutting wages, prices, credit, public benefits,  pensions, and the currency's value as well as curbing union power and  establishing an exploitable temporary worker market.
It began  Israel's race to the bottom by mass privatizations, welfare and social  benefit cuts, and wealth shifted to the top as in America, the result  being growing Jewish poverty, hunger and homelessness to the present.
In  1985, all US military aid became grants, what began for economic aid in  1981. Thereafter, generous supplemental aid followed, including after  the Gulf and 2003 Iraq wars. The FY 2003 Emergency Supplemental  Appropriations Act included $9 billion in loan guarantees over three  years and $1 billion in military grants. Other amounts came earlier.  They've continued ever since, some open, others covert, affording Israel  exclusive preferential treatment.
The "special relationship"  remains fixed under Obama, what he affirmed at the June 2008 AIPAC  meeting that he's "a true friend of Israel," felt he was "among  friends," stressed that "the bond between the United States and Israel  is unbreakable today, tomorrow and forever," and, in fact, "as  president, I will work with you to ensure that this bond is  strengthened." He hasn't disappointed.
Stephen Lendman is a  Research Associate of the Centre for Research on Globalization. He lives  in Chicago and can be reached at lendmanstephen@sbcglobal.net.
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