Top ten Soros targets in 2016 by Wayne Madsen Report

Top ten Soros targets in 2016 by Wayne Madsen Report
George Soros has a list and he's checking it twice. The list is where he will concentrate the efforts of his Central Intelligence Agency-connected non-governmental organization (NGO) assets in 2016. While supporting the CIA's agenda, Soros always manages to maximize his profits from the chaotic situations he and his operations engineer around the world.

1. Soros will continue to facilitate the arrival of hundreds of thousands of additional, mainly Muslim migrants from the Middle East, Africa, and Asia to Europe. The political and border destabilization of Europe and the resulting introduction of draconian security measures by the European Union are high on Soros's agenda.

2. Soros is backing a themed revolution for the Srpska Republic of Bosnia-Herzegovina and the Republic of Serbia, itself. The Srpska Republic president, Milorad Dodik, is threatening to declare independence from the Bosnia-Herzegovina federation and join Serbia. Dodik has the backing of the Serbian government as well as Russian President Vladimir Putin. Soros has decided to pull out all the stops to overthrow the Serbian government in Belgrade and the Srpska Republic government in Banja Luka and thus ensure compliant and anti-Russian governments take over power in both republics.

3. Soros will martial his resources in Haiti to ensure that banana company mogul Jovenel Moise wins the presidential run-off in Haiti's postponed election. Moise is the hand-picked successor of current president Michel Martelly, a singer by profession. Soros's election engineers succeeded in knocking out of a first- or second-place finish the candidate representing former president Jean-Bertrand Aristide, who is despised by Bill and Hillary Clinton, as well as Soros, for his leftist populist policies.

4. Soros's Open Society Institute and other NGO contrivances will continue to back the failed state of Ukraine. Soros will especially shore up Prime Minister Arseniy Yatsenyuk, the American Finance Minister Natalie Jaresko, and Odessa regional governor Mikheil Saakashvili, the former Soros-installed president of Georgia who is now a wanted criminal by the government in Tbilisi. Soros will continue to see to it that Ukrainian regular and irregular military forces continue to cause border problems for the Russian autonomous republics of Lugansk and Donetsk in the east and that sanctions against officials of Lugansk, Donetsk, and Crimea are not only maintained but strengthened.

5. Soros will press the opposition-controlled National Assembly of Venezuela to rescind Venezuela's diplomatic recognition of Abkhazia and South Ossetia, two republics that broke way from Georgia.

6. Soros's operatives in China will continue to stir up political problems for Beijing in the special administrative regions of Hong Kong and Macao with increased street demonstrations. Soros will also step up his financial and political support for secessionists in Tibet, East Turkestan (Xinjiang-Uighur Autonomous Republic), and Inner Mongolia.

7. With the Argentine presidency and the Venezuelan National Assembly falling under the control of right-wing fascist-oriented political parties, Soros will mobilize his Latin American assets to force Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff from the presidency. She has been battling an attempt by the Brazilian Congress to impeach her. Soros despises Rousseff for a number of reasons but chiefly they are her commitment to the BRICS alliance of Brazil, Russia, China, India, and South Africa; her family links to Bulgaria during its communist past; her rejection of Soros's "Third Way" politics; Rousseff's opposition to privatization of state-owned enterprises -- industries into which Soros wants to invest heavily; and Rousseff's opposition to Brazilian public schools being used to promote homosexual life styles. Soros's main goal is to have Rousseff replaced with a right-winger who will pull Brazil out of the BRICS bloc.



8. Another BRICS leader Soros sees as vulnerable is Jacob Zuma, the president of South Africa. Soros's goal is to destroy the BRICS by peeling away South Africa and Brazil from the alliance, leaving only China and Russia as members after India can be persuaded the alliance is dead. Zuma and his African National Congress are also Soros targets because of their opposition to Israeli policies in Palestine and same-sex marriage. Soros backs the Democratic Alliance party, which receives much of its financial support from South African Zionists and the Jewish-dominated diamond industry.

9. Whoever the Republican U.S. presidential candidate turns out to be, Soros will throw his money and the backing of his NGOs to Hillary Clinton, a personal friend. Soros can be expected to finance intense opposition research and a massive 527 political action committee ad campaign against the GOP presidential candidate.

10. In the various presidential elections scheduled for 2016, Soros forces will back the most anti-Christian and pro-Muslim presidential candidates in the Central African Republic; Antonio Vitorino, a noted "Eurocrat," for president of Portugal; the pro-West Benin Prime Minster Lionel Zinsou for president of Benin; hedge fund manager Pedro Kuczynski for president of Peru; Juan Cohen for president of the Dominican Republic; all the anti-Putin candidates in the Russian election for the State Duma; pro-Saakashvili candidates in the Georgian parliamentary election; pro-NATO/EU parties in the Montenegro parliamentary election; and pro-EU/NATO parties in the Romanian parliamentary election.

Soros will work to defeat the Bolivian constitutional amendment referendum that will permit President Evo Morales to run for another term. They will also work against the re-election of Robert Fico as Prime Minister of Slovakia and the election of Samia Nkrumah, the daughter of Ghana's founding president Kwame Nkrumah as president of Ghana. In the Tanzanian constitutional referendum, the Soros forces will seek to protect the present union status quo and defeat any attempt by Zanzibar to secede and go its own way.

The CIA's "Plan B" for Peru

The CIA not only wanted to deny the presidency to Peruvian nationalist Ollanta Humala, wo was defeated in the presidential election five years ago by Wall Street favorite Alan Garcia, but wanted to ensure that dual U.S-Peruvian citizen Pedro Pablo Kuczynski, a former World Bank official, former Peruvian Finance Minister, and executive with arch-vulture capitalist Felix Rohatyn's Rohatyn Group investment fund in New York, beat out Keiko Fujimori, the daughter of the jailed former president and CIA cypher, Alberto Fujimori. The Rohatyn Group was formed in 2003 by former JP Morgan executives.


With 80 percent of the vote counted, Fujimori held a 3 point lead over Kuczynski. The run-off election between Humala and Fujimori is scheduled for June 5.

Although he has moderated his tone since the last presidential election in 2006, Humala can be counted in the progressive Latin American leadership camp, his policies now between those of Brazilian President Dilma Roussef and Venezuela's Hugo Chavez. However much he has moderated his tone and policies, Humala remains a worry to the Obama administration, which has gone beyond the Bush administration in engaging in political chicanery south-of-the-border. Obama's early support for a CIA- and Pentagon-led coup against Honduran President Manuel Zelaya and an attempted coup against Ecuador's Rafael Correa are hallmarks of Obama's hostile Nixonian attitude toward nationalist and progressive elected governments in Latin America.

The darling of the international elites, former presidential candidate and Nobel Peace Prize laureate Mario Vargas Llosa, was quick to state that a choice between Humala, who he accuses of being "another Chavez," and Fujimori is like a choice between AIDS and terminal cancer. Kuczynski, who also served with the International Monetary Fund in Washington and Kuhn Loeb Investment Bank in New York, is the kind of candidate favored by Nobel Peace Prize-laden elitists like Vargas Llosa.


However, the CIA clearly will support "terminal cancer" over "AIDS" as it seeks to protect the interests of Wall Street and the global oligarchs. The CIA enjoyed a long history with Fujimori's father and his chief of intelligence, Vladimoro Montesinos. Both Alberto Fujimori and Montesinos are serving prison sentences in Peru for human rights violations and other crimes.

On November 8, 2005, WMR reported: "Montesinos was code named 'The Doctor' by the CIA and was well known as a facilitator for U.S. weapons smuggling and drug deals involving the Bush crime family. The CIA paid Montesinos at least $10 million between 1990 and 2000. The payments began just after the elder Bush launched his  1990 "Andean Initiative" to counter 'drug proliferation' in the region.  The Andean Initiative actually saw an expansion of coca growing fields in the region. Montesinos deposited $264 million in bank accounts in Switzerland, the Cayman Islands, the United States, and Panama." On September 8, 2010, WMR reported: "During his ten-year rule, Peruvian President Alberto Fujimori and his intelligence chief, Vladimiro Montesinos, thought to be a CIA asset, reportedly received USAID funds to put down the Shining Path and Tupac Amaru guerrilla movements."

Like Chavez, Correa, and Bolivia's President Evo Morales, Humala's main strength comes from Peru's long-disenfranchised and impoverished indigenous community. The business elite of mainly European roots, has historically opposed the rise to power of indigenous leaders in Latin America and they have received the firm backing of Western corporations and their CIA enforcers. Although former President Alejandro Toledo is of indigenous descent, he only placed fourth in the first-round because native Peruvians understand that he sold out while president to the World Bank and other capitalist contrivances. Humala edged out Toledo among the native electorate in the Peruvian highlands. Toledo only managed to garner 15 percent of the vote in the first round. 

Humala is an outspoken critic of the policies of Chile's right-wing billionaire President Sebastian Pinera, who Obama lauded in Santiago during a recent trip to Latin America.

Rather than see another progressive leader take the helm in Latin America, the CIA and its cyphers, USAID and the Soros non-governmental organizations (NGOs), will begin to pump money and other support into the campaign of right-winger Keiko Fujimori. Plan A was Kuczynski but since he was barely edged out for second place by Fujimori, Langley's money will be put on the daughter of their one-time top agent-of-influence in Peru.

Maracaibo goes to hell, in true paramilitary style

Ever since Manuel Rosales fucked off to Peru, falsely claiming he was being "persecuted", the city of Maracaibo, Venezuela, has been effectively without a mayor. But even when Burusas was still in the city, he was apparently either grossly incompetent or flat-out criminal, if this story is any indication:

"Commando-type men arrived, armed to the teeth, and shoved us against the wall. They told us that if they saw us talking on the corner again, they would fuck us."

So says Francisco (name altered to protect the privacy of the 17-year-old), who was threatened with death along with six other young people by a suspected "death squad" in the Lomitas del Zulia sector of the Francisco Eugenio Bustamante parish, population 93,967, on April 24 at 8:00 pm.

A total of 11 sectors are alarmed at the presence of a violent group that is trying to take the law into its own hands.

Francisco says that days before the men came to the neighborhood, the residents of Calle 60B-1 in Lomitas del Zulia were shocked to find a leaflet stuck in the doors of their houses, warning of a "social cleansing" due to the rise in juvenile delinquency in Maracaibo.

Panic took hold in the zone as people recalled the threats of the "death pamphlets" which circulated in the city and other muncipalities over the last two months.

Francisco recalls that the six armed men got out of a grey Ford Fiesta Power and corralled him when he was conversing with a group of other boys. "One of them wanted to leave on his bicycle, but they pointed a pistol at him and frisked him to see if he was armed."

A neighbor intervened, and assured that the boys were all right and asked that they be left alone. "Then they went away. But if we see them again in the street, we won't respond," said one of the boys, in a hoarse voice.

From then on, the residents changed their routine. They live in fear of the men who threatened them with death.

The same thing happened a week before, in the Libertador neighborhood of the same parish, when several hooded men shouted at passersby that they would kill "delinquents and drug traffickers", according to Adolfo Jacobo, a Maracaibo taxi driver.

"20 days ago, a friend showed me a flyer that some guys were throwing around in the streets, saying they would kill criminals, never mind if it took the lives of any innocent people," said a resident of Avenida 95 in the same neighborhood, who declined to be identified. He added that as of that moment, the neighbors all locked themselves indoors after 7:00 pm, for fear of "being caught in a shooting."

"We are worried about the lack of (police) patrols. Now we can't even stand in front of our houses because of the insecurity and the threatening pamphlets," said Eduardo Rincón, an electrician from Lomitas del Zulia in eastern Maracaibo.

His version coincides with that of Commissioner Jotny Márquez, chief of the CICPC-Maracaibo, who questions the crime-prevention work of the regional police because crime rates have risen.

In the José Antonio Páez neighborhood, near Lomitas del Zulia, people are also alarmed by the appearance of the pamphlets.

Aura Medina, a 47-year-old housewife, said that after the leaflets were distributed, several suspicious cars were seen passing through the neighborhood during the night. "We're afraid that they will do what they did to those young guys, and take people from their houses and kill them," said Medina, referring to a case of some young people who were taken from the La Chinita neighborhood, in the southern part of the city, last April 18.

Families of the victims have joined the CICPC and the Ombudsman's office in calling for justice for their loved ones. "Right now, we know that they called several municipal police officers to testify who were involved, and we hope they will clarify what happened," said Aída Rodríguez, mother of Jender Soto, who was killed by gunfire.

A spokesman for the CICPC informed that five members of the Maracaibo police were called to give statements about the occurrences. However, a tribunal source denied, for the time being, that the officials were directly involved in the murders.

The pamphlets found in Maracaibo were of the same content as those which circulated in Colombia in 2008.

Translation mine.

It seems pretty clear what's going on. Colombian paramilitaries have been a problem in western Venezuela for years, because that region borders on Colombia. And right-wing politicians, too, have been western Venezuela's bane for the same amount of time. It seems only logical to suspect that the two are somehow connected; the paras "provide security" to the rich, corrupt right-wingers, and do so by menacing the poor. They also seem to have had some collaborators among the Maracaibo police, and this even when Giancarlo Di Martino, a member of the PSUV (Chavecito's party) was mayor of Maracaibo and trying to get a handle on the situation. Do the PoliMaracaibo respect no authority unless it's that of a fascist enabler? Sure smells that way.

It doesn't hurt, either, to recall that Colombian paramilitaries have been found to be involved in several failed coup plots against Chavecito--always hired at the behest of those same right-wing political figures who pose as heads of "civil society" and NGOs, and who are constantly screeching about political persecution when the law starts catching up to them.

So, when will the Dissociated Press, the Old Grey Whore and the WaHoPo write about the truly persecuted in Venezuela--the residents of neighborhoods terrorized by these right-wing commandos, operating illegally at the behest of poor, persecuted Manuel Rosales? Don't hold your breath, kiddies, they're still busy painting Chavecito as the villain on whose shoulders all of this somehow must fall.

Posted by Sabina Becker on May 17, 2009 11:01 AM | Permalink

Por lo menos 30 mil personas se movilizaron en Lima - El pueblo tomó las calles y rechazó política neoliberal del Apra

José Coronado
CCP – Minga Informativa

En lo que constituye la más contundente y multitudinaria movilización en lo que va del gobierno aprista, decenas de miles de hombres y mujeres marcharon este miércoles 11 de julio por las calles del centro de Lima, durante la Jornada Nacional de Lucha y primer día del paro nacional agrario, para expresar su rechazo a las políticas neoliberales del gobierno aprista y exigir solución a las demandas de los gremios en conflicto.

La Jornada de Lucha fue convocada por diferentes organizaciones sindicales, campesinas, magisteriales, así como por dirigentes de los principales partidos políticos nacionalistas y de izquierda, en Lima; en tanto, que en el interior del país, diversos frentes de defensa convocaron a paros regionales que 48 horas que culminarán este jueves 12 de julio.

Desde tempranas horas, escalones de los maestros Sindicato Unitario de Trabajadores de la Educación, SUTEP, quienes se encuentran en huelga indefinida; así como delegaciones de diferentes gremios afiliados a la Confederación General de Trabajadores del Perú, CGTP, empezaron a colmar la histórica Plaza Dos de Mayo, lugar de concentración de la movilización.

A ellos se sumaron delegaciones de la Central Unitaria de Trabajadores, CUT; de la Federación de Estudiantes del Perú, FEP; así como de las principales centrales agrarias y campesinas como la Confederación Campesina del Perú, CCP; la Confederación Nacional Agraria, CNA; y CONACAMI. Se unieron también agrupaciones de militantes del Partido Nacionalista, Partido Socialista, Movimiento Nueva Izquierda, Partido Comunista Peruano, así como otras fuerzas políticas y organizaciones sociales.

La fría mañana limeña fue de a pocos variando al calor de las consignas y lemas que los miles de manifestantes lanzaban a viva voz, para expresar su rechazo a las políticas neoliberales del gobierno aprista y su alianza con la derecha y el fujimorismo, así como para responder a los ataques que en los últimos días ha lanzado el régimen a través del propio presidente Alan García como el primer ministro Jorge del Castillo.

Frente a las huelgas y protestas que se han registrado en las últimas semanas en todo el país para exigir cambios en la política económica, la solución a sus demandas y el cumplimiento de las promesas electorales del aprismo, los máximos representantes del gobierno, solo han respondido con adjetivos considerados ofensivos por los sectores en protesta. Epítetos como “comechados” o “sinvergüenzas”, han sido lanzados por Alan García; o caracterizaciones de “pequeños grupos que se oponen al desarrollo del país”; y las manidas acusaciones de que “las protestas” son financiadas por el presidente de Venezuela, Hugo Chávez, han sido los recursos del gobierno.

Por ello, durante el recorrido de la marcha hacia la céntrica Plaza San Martín, también fue copioso en lemas que respondían a las acusaciones presidenciales. “No tenemos presidente, tenemos delincuente”, “Alan comechado, cuándo has trabajado”; “ahora que diga que somos minoría”; fueron los lemas más comunes que se corearon, a las que sumó otra consigna que se ha hecho común en las últimas marchas de protesta como la de “Y va a caer, Alan García va a caer”.

Ya en la Plaza San Martín, colmada por la multitud se dio inicio a un mitin, en el que hablaron diferentes líderes sindicales, gremiales, campesinos y políticos, para reiterar las razones de la protesta, expresar el apoyo a los gremios en conflicto y exigir el cambio de la política neoliberal del gobierno. El rechazo al Tratado de Libre Comercio, TLC, que el gobierno aprista insiste en aprobar con Estados Unidos, fue otra de las demandas que plantearon los diversos oradores.

Entre ellos destacó la presencia del líder de la oposición Ollanta Humala, quien llamó a la unidad a todos los trabajadores, al movimiento social y los partidos políticos, y planteó la conformación de una Asamblea Nacional Popular, para darle continuidad a las luchas populares y exigir la convocatoria una Asamblea Constituyente, la revisión del TLC y los contratos con las empresas mineras.

Habló también el secretario general de la CGTP, Mario Huamán, quien demandó el cumplimiento de las promesas de Alan García; así como representantes de los gremios en conflicto como Luis Muñoz y Robert Huaynalaya del SUTEP, Antonín Huáscar de la CNA, en representación de lo gremios agrarios y campesinos. De igual manera, el líder socialista Javier Diez Canseco, el parlamentario José Vega y el dirigente político Héctor Béjar. A la movilización también acudieron diversos parlamentarios nacionalistas.

Mientras las intervenciones y los lemas retumbaban en la Plaza San Martín, a unas cuántas cuadras, en el Palacio de Gobierno, Alan García, el ministro de Educación Antonio Chang y la presidenta del Congreso Mercedes Cabanillas, celebraban la promulgación de la cuestionada Ley de la Carrera Pública Magisterial, que ha motivado la huelga de indefinida del magisterio nacional.

Si bien la jornada de protesta se concentró este miércoles 11 en Lima, el jueves 12 de julio continuará el paro agrario así como los paros regionales que han vienen acatando varias regiones del interior del país, sobre todo en Puno, Cusco, Arequipa, Apurímac, Ayacucho, regiones en las que incluso se evalúa la posibilidad de iniciar huelgas indefinidas. Un comentario ha sido común durante la movilización: estas jornadas de lucha del 11 y 12 de de julio, parecen haber marcado un punto de quiebre para el gobierno de Alan García y para el movimiento social y popular. El desenlace de los conflictos indicará hacia dónde se inclina la balanza.



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Minga Informativa de Movimientos Sociales
http://movimientos.org/

Chile: The Lesson That Venezuela Learned? by Hugo Blanco

Global Research, March 19, 2007
Rebelion

While in exile, I was lucky to be part of the process of changes staged by the Chilean people up until Pinochet's coup d'état.

I can summarize my experience with the chess player's maxim: "Attacking is the best defense," a truth I painfully attested to in the case of Chile. As it often happens, these changes were soon challenged by the corporate sector with a number of attacks that the government failed to rebuff with a firm hand, taking a soft, conciliatory line on them instead of joining forces with the people against the saboteurs. Encouraged, the attackers reinforced their siege, whereas frustration and disappointment got the better of the ordinary citizens backing the process. Therefore, the time was ripe for the coup to succeed.

Overview
Having reached maturity in their struggle as well as in their conscience, the Chilean people became disillusioned with the Christian Democrat government and elected Unidad Popular's candidate Salvador Allende despite the smear campaign unleashed against him by the big owners.

Calmly and without taking any spectacular revolutionary measure, the government moved on and tried to implement the agrarian reform law enacted by its predecessors, decreed considerable price reductions for essential goods, and accorded the right to strike.

For their part, the poor were gaining ground:

The workers took control of industries where damaging actions like sabotage against production were committed, and prepared to defend themselves against right-wing paramilitary gangs tolerated by the police.

Organized by production sectors (in textile, metallurgical, shoe and other industries) like in any other country, they established another, more agile group, the "Industrial Cordons", geographically divided into production areas where workers from every branch united for self-defense and combat and planned mobilizations that included blockades and occupation of factories.

Also the marginalized and peasants, who seized lands to demand a faster agrarian reform, took part in self-defense preparedness.

Shopkeepers responded to the price reductions with hoarding, giving rise to shortages and thus forcing people to buy their goods in the black market at very expensive prices. The people reacted by condemning and publicly exposing the hoarders.

As the great media unleashed the usual smear campaign the right made aggressive public demonstrations in full view of a dismissive police.

As the driving force behind the coup, the American empire had already revealed its criminal intentions before Allende's inauguration by ordering the murder of Army commander Schneider for refusing to mount the coup. A crime, needless to say, that has remained unpunished.

Instead of taking any action against the saboteurs that the people had unmasked and denounced, the government hogtied the popular advance on the grounds that they were being supported by the "constitutionalist military", who were worried about the peoples' actions. One of such "constitutionalist military" was Pinochet.

"Confiscated" factories
As mentioned above, the workers occupied factories where irregularities were discovered and for which a provisional manager was appointed by the government. Called "confiscated" factories, they implemented labor self-management to some extent. A tomato sauce factory was seized after the boss tried to have it closed down by neglecting to buy raw materials during the harvest time. Once confiscated, the workers decided to produce much-needed canned baby food. Another factory where luxury furniture was manufactured was devoted to the production of affordable furniture. Clearly, when revolutionary awareness increases among the workers, solidarity replaces selfishness.

These were the factories attacked by fascist gangs that the workers decided to defend given the police's inactivity.

The end
The right kept undersupplying the economy while its media howled accusations against the government. Anti-government rallies and unfettered fascist violence were rampant while the regime prohibited self-defense, which of course encouraged the right-wingers and disheartened the people.

In June 1973 the Empire staged a "testing coup" to pinpoint where popular resistance was stronger. Once detected, those who took part in the action "surrendered" and the repressive forces proceeded to inflict cruel punishment on the sources of resistance thus detected (Cerrillos cordon, "Nueva Habana" village, the seamen who refused to take part in the coup, the mapuches, etc.), all under Allende's government and on account of his inaction.

In September, Pinochet's coup took place by extraordinarily violent means to make sure the courageous Chilean people could be defeated. And they killed Allende, who bravely refused to surrender and whose last speech had condemned the "treacherous military who until very recently swore their allegiance".

Perón's Argentina
I had already taken part in another similar event: Argentina in 1955, when the Yankee government mounted a coup against Perón. There was also a testing coup in June to find pockets of resistance, and then the real one in September, just like in Chile. There too the government put a curb on anti-coup activity and even punished those who opposed, with similar results: the right became bolder and the people lost heart, which paved the way for the September coup's success.

Guatemala
A year before, the exiled Peruvian left discussed the case of Guatemala (another imperial coup). Both the Communist Party and APRA (on the reformist left at the time, not the current empire's lackey) believed that Arbenz's government was going too fast and therefore making a mistake. I joined the party that stated further progress was needed to avoid disaster, a current and a conception that led me to participate in the Argentinean and Chilean processes.

Venezuela learned
All indications are that Venezuela learned the lesson. Yesterday in "El Comercio" daily an alarming article headlined "A civil war in the making" decried the "threat to the militia" of "armed groups parallel to the Army".

We know it will only be a "civil war" if imperialism and its servants dare to overthrow Venezuela's legitimate democratic government.

Naturally, what concerns that newspaper is pleasant and reassuring for us.

Another piece of good news coming from that country: far from pushing Chávez back, the shortage of foodstuffs caused by hoarding merchants makes the Venezuelan president move forward to warn that if they keep hoarding supplies the supermarkets will be nationalized and assigned to the people's "community councils".

Way to go.

It goes without saying these are different times, not those of a Chilean nation surrounded by gorilla governments in Argentina, Brazil, Bolivia and Uruguay, but the epoch of a failed coup d'état in Venezuela and the victories of Morales in Bolivia and Correa in Ecuador.

Defeat can also teach a valuable lesson.

Hugo Blanco was leader of the Quechua peasant uprising in the Cuzco region of Peru in the early 1960s. He was captured by the military and sentenced to 25 years in El Fronton Island prison for his activities. While in prison, he wrote Land or Death: The Peasant Struggle in Peru (Pathfinder Press, 1972), which is must-reading for anyone who wishes to understand the struggle of peasants and indigenous people in Latin America for liberation.


Originally published in Rebelión as Chile: ¿La lección que Venezuela aprendió? Translation by Cuba News, edited by Walter Lippmann