Saturday, July 25, 2009

An American Hell - Facing the American World We Created

Don't Turn the Page on History

Facing the American World We Created
By Tom Engelhardt

We've just passed through the CIA assassination flap, already fading from the news after less than two weeks of media attention. Broken in several major newspapers, here's how the story goes: the Agency, evidently under Vice President Dick Cheney's orders, didn't inform Congress that, to assassinate al-Qaeda leaders, it was trying to develop and deploy global death squads. (Of course, just about no one is going to call them that, but the description fits.) Congress is now in high dudgeon. The CIA didn't keep that body's "Gang of Eight" informed. A House investigation is now underway.

We're told that the CIA -- being the president's private army and part of the executive branch of our government -- has committed a heinous dereliction of duty. In fact, not keeping key congressional figures up to date on the developing program could even "be illegal," according to Senate Majority Whip Richard Durbin. (Not that Congress, when informed of Bush administration extreme acts, ever did much of anything anyway.)

This story, however, has a largely unexplored strangeness to it that has only been discussed on the fringes of the mainstream media (or in the press of other countries). After all, during the eight years this CIA assassination program was supposedly in formation, U.S. military special ops death squads were, as far as we can tell, freely roaming the planet conducting (or botching) assassination missions, and the CIA's own robot assassins, airborne death squads, were also launching operations -- sometimes wiping out innocent civilians -- from Yemen and Somalia to Pakistan. They continue to run such operations in the skies over the Pakistani tribal borderlands near Afghanistan. So we still await an explanation of just why the CIA spent close to eight years, under Vice Presidential oversight, getting its death squads almost operational, but never -- we're told -- off the ground.

If there seems to be something odd about this latest flap, if there's much that we don't know yet, we do, at least, know one thing: This particular small splash from the previous administration's deep dive into crime and folly will have its brief time in the media sun and then be swallowed up by oblivion, just as each of the previous flaps has been.

After all, can you honestly tell me that you think often about the CIA torture flap, the CIA-destruction-of-interrogation-video-tapes flap, the what-did-Congress/Nancy Pelosi-really-know-about-torture-methods flap, the Bush-administration-officials-(like-Condi-Rice)-signed-off-on-torture-methods-in-2002-even-before-the-Justice-Department-justified-them flap, the National-Security-Agency-(it-was-far-more-widespread-than-anyone-imagined)-electronic-surveillance flap, the should-the-NSA's-telecom-spies-be-investigated-and-prosecuted-for-engaging-in-illegal-warrantless-wiretapping flap, the should-CIA-torturers-be-investigated-and-prosecuted-for-using-enhanced-interrogation-techniques flap, the Abu-Ghraib-photos-(round-two)-suppression flap, or various versions of the can-they-close-Guantanamo, will-they-keep-detainees-in-prison-forever flaps, among others that have already disappeared into my own personal oblivion file? Every flap its day, evidently. Each flap another problem (again we're told) for a president with an ambitious program who is eager to "look forward, not backward."

Of course, he's not alone. Given the last eight years of disaster piled on catastrophe, who in our American world would want to look backward? The urge to turn the page in this country is palpable, but -- just for a moment -- let's not.

Admittedly, we're a people who don't really believe in history -- so messy, so discomforting, so old. Even the recent past is regularly wiped away as the media plunge us repeatedly into various overblown crises of the moment, a 24/7 cornucopia of news, non-news, rumor, punditry, gossip, and plain old blabbing, of which each of these flaps has been but a tiny example. In turn, any sense of the larger picture surrounding each one of them is, soon enough, lessened by a media focus on a fairly limited set of questions: Was Congress adequately informed? Should the president have suppressed those photos?

The flaps, in other words, never add up to a single Imax Flap-o-rama of a spectacle. We seldom see the full scope of the legacy that we -- not just the Obama administration -- have inherited. Though we all know that terrible things happened in recent years, the fact is that, these days, they are seldom to be found in a single place, no less the same paragraph. Connecting the dots, or even simply putting everything in the same vicinity, just hasn't been part of the definitional role of the media in our era. So let me give it a little shot.

As a start, remind me: What didn't we do? Let's review for a moment.

In the name of everything reasonable, and in the face of acts of evil by terrible people, we tortured wantonly and profligately, and some of these torture techniques -- known to the previous administration and most of the media as "enhanced interrogation techniques" -- were actually demonstrated to an array of top officials, including the national security adviser, the attorney general, and the secretary of state, within the White House. We imprisoned secretly at "black sites" offshore and beyond the reach of the American legal system, holding prisoners without hope of trial or, often, release; we disappeared people; we murdered prisoners; we committed strange acts of extreme abuse and humiliation; we kidnapped terror suspects off the global streets and turned some of them over to some of the worst people who ran the worst dungeons and torture chambers on the planet. Unknown, but not insignificant numbers of those kidnapped, abused, tortured, imprisoned, and/or murdered were actually innocent of any crimes against us. We invaded without pretext, based on a series of lies and the manipulation of Congress and the public. We occupied two countries with no clear intent to depart and built major networks of military bases in both. Our soldiers gunned down unknown numbers of civilians at checkpoints and, in each country, arrested thousands of people, some again innocent of any acts against us, imprisoning them often without trial or sometimes hope of release. Our Air Force repeatedly wiped out wedding parties and funerals in its global war on terror. It killed civilians in significant numbers. In the process of prosecuting two major invasions, wars, and occupations, hundreds of thousands of Iraqis and Afghans have died. In Iraq, we touched off a sectarian struggle of epic proportions that involved the "cleansing" of whole communities and major parts of cities, while unleashing a humanitarian crisis of remarkable size, involving the uprooting of more than four million people who fled into exile or became internal refugees. In these same years, our Special Forces operatives and our drone aircraft carried out -- and still carry out -- assassinations globally, acting as judge, jury, and executioner, sometimes of innocent civilians. We spied on, and electronically eavesdropped on, our own citizenry and much of the rest of the world, on a massive scale whose dimensions we may not yet faintly know. We pretzled the English language, creating an Orwellian terminology that, among other things, essentially defined "torture" out of existence (or, at the very least, left its definitional status to the torturer).

And don't think that that's anything like a full list. Not by a long shot. It's only what comes to my mind on a first pass through the subject. In addition, even if I could remember everything done in these years, it would represent only what has been made public. Former Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld was regularly mocked for saying: "There are known knowns. These are things we know that we know. There are known unknowns. That is to say, there are things that we know we don't know. But there are also unknown unknowns. There are things we don't know we don't know."

Actually, he had a point seldom thought about these days. By definition, we know a good deal about the known knowns, and we have a sense of an even darker world of known unknowns. We have no idea, however, what's missing from a list like the one above, because so much may indeed remain in the unknown-unknowns category or, as with the latest CIA assassination story, a known curiosity whose full shape and depths remain to be grasped. If, however, you think that everything done by Washington or the U.S. military or the CIA in these last years has already been leaked, think again. It's a reasonable bet that the unknown unknowns the Obama administration inherited would curl your toes.

Nonetheless, what is already known, when thought about in one place, rather than divided up into separate flaps and argued about separately, is horrific enough. War may be hell, as people often say when trying to excuse what we did in these years, but it should be remembered that, in response to the attacks of 9/11, we, as a nation, were the ones who declared "war," made it a near eternal struggle (the Global War on Terror), and did so much to turn parts of the world into our own private hell. Geopolitics, energy politics, vanity, greed, fear, a misreading of the nature of power in the world, delusions of military and technological omnipotence and omniscience, and so much more drove us along the way.

Perhaps the greatest fantasy of the present moment is that there is a choice here. We can look forward or backward, turn the page on history or not. Don't believe it. History matters.

Whatever the Obama administration may want to do, or think should be done, if we don't face the record we created, if we only look forward, if we only round up the usual suspects, if we try to turn that page in history and put a paperweight atop it, we will be haunted by the Bush years until hell freezes over. This was, of course, the lesson -- the only one no one ever bothers to call a lesson -- of the Vietnam years. Because we were so unwilling to confront what we actually did in Vietnam -- and Laos and Cambodia -- because we turned the page on it so quickly and never dared take a real look back, we never, in the phrase of George H.W. Bush, "kicked the Vietnam syndrome." It still haunts us.

However busy we may be, whatever tasks await us here in this country -- and they remain monstrously large -- we do need to make an honest, clear-headed assessment of what we did (and, in some cases, continue to do), of the horrors we committed in the name of... well, of us and our "safety." We need to face who we've been and just how badly we've acted, if we care to become something better.

Now, read that list again, my list of just the known knowns, and ask yourself: Aren't we the people your mother warned you about?

Tom Engelhardt, co-founder of the American Empire Project, runs the Nation Institute's TomDispatch.com. He is the author of The End of Victory Culture, a history of the Cold War and beyond, as well as of a novel, The Last Days of Publishing. He also edited The World According to TomDispatch: America in the New Age of Empire (Verso, 2008), an alternative history of the mad Bush years.

Wednesday, July 22, 2009

DC Madam had CIA ties

DC Madam had CIA ties

WMR has learned from a source who was involved in the sex escort business at the same time the late "DC Madam" Deborah Jeane Palfrey was operating her Pamela Martin & Associates escort agency that Palfrey had a relationship with the CIA dating back from the time she was released from prison in 1993. Palfrey was arrested in 1990 for "pimping, pandering, and extortion" after being arrested for running an escort service in San Diego, California. She attempted to flee to Canada but was arrested at the Montana border and was convicted of the criminal charges and sentenced to 18 months in prison.

Palfrey, according to WMR's well-placed source, cut a deal for an early release from jail with the CIA, specifically San Diego native Kyle "Dusty" Foggo, a longtime CIA "logistics officer" who spent a number of years in Germany and Austria. WMR has learned that among Foggo's logistics duties was running a CIA escort ring internationally and domestically that ensnared politicians and businessmen for purposes of later blackmail. Foggo's deal with Palfrey was for her to start up another escort service, Pamela Martin & Associates, after her release from prison. The quid pro quo was that Pamela Martin would carry out assignments from the CIA and, specifically, Foggo. During his CIA career, Foggo, was also assigned to Honduras where he worked under U.S. ambassador John Negroponte.

Palfrey's escort service operated from 1993 to 2006 without one arrest of either her or any of her "employees," all well-educated professional women, which included a psychologist, a U.S. naval officer, and a legal secretary for the powerful Washington, DC firm Akin, Gump, Strauss, Hauer and Feld.

Palfrey was indicted on March 1, 2007 on running a prostitution ring, as well as other charges. The indictment stated that employed more than 100 women between 1993 and 2006 "for the purpose of engaging in prostitution activity with male clients, including sexual intercourse and oral sex in exchange for money."

Interestingly, federal agents never seized Palfrey's phone records from her escort business from her Vallejo, California home. When the government realized its error, it succeed in having US District Court for Washington, DC judge Gladys Kessler issue two temporary restraining orders prohibiting the release of the records to the public. Kessler finally lifted her restraining order and expressed bewilderment why Bush-appointed federal prosecutors in Washington, DC were so intent on prosecuting Palfrey while letting her clients off the hook for engaging in what the government claimed was an illegal act -- prostitution.

The reason was simple. A number of powerful politicians and government officials were among Palfrey's clients. Those publicly identified included Senator David Vitter (R-LA); Assistant Secretary of State for Foreign Assistance and U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) administrator Randall Tobias (also a former chairman/CEO of AT&T International and Eli Lilly); Harlan K. Ullman, a Defense Department consultant, friend of Dick Cheney, and author of the "Shock and Awe" military doctrine; Democrat-turned-Republican political consultant Dick Morris; and Ronald Roughead, a retired Marine Colonel, SAIC Project Manager and brother of Admiral Gary Roughead, the Chief of Naval Operations.

WMR also reported that Cheney was a "client" of Pamela Martin escorts while he was the President and CEO of Halliburton. However, we have learned more. In 1993, after the U.S. assault on the Branch Davidian compound in Waco, Foggo, Cheney, and Karl Rove set up an office in Dallas to handle the sexual blackmail of law enforcement officials who were sent to Waco to investigate the government attack but who may have felt compelled to become "whistleblowers" later. The CIA's interest was to prevent any revelations about the agency's involvement in the siege of and assault on the religious compound. Escorts from Palfrey's operation, as well as one operating out of Houston were used for the operation against the law enforcement officials.

In time, Foggo became the unofficial CIA chief of the agency's sexual blackmail operations. Rove used the service to bring to heel wayward politicians to ensure their loyalty to the Republican Party and, eventually, the Bush-Cheney administration.

A few weeks before Palfrey was indicted, her friend and "boss" Foggo was indicted on February 13, 2007, for fraud, as well as bribery in connection with the bribery conviction of San Diego Republican U.S. Representative Randy "Duke" Cunningham. But the cases against Foggo and Palfrey may have eventually included others, but U.S. Attorney for Southern California, Carol Lam, was apparently getting close to the Rove-Cheney sexual blackmail operation that also involved Foggo and the employees of Pamela Martin & Associates. Lam was on the target list for being fired by the Bush White House and the Justice Department under Attorney General Alberto Gonzales. Just two days after Lam successfully brought an indictment against Foggo and his friend and GOP lobbyist, ADCS (Automated Document Conversion Systems) owner Brent Wilkes was indicted for bribery in the Cunningham case, she abruptly tendered her resignation as U.S. Attorney. Wilkes had procured Pamela Martin escorts for "poker parties" at the Watergate Hotel and Westin Grand in Washington, DC. Allegedly in attendance at the parties were Cunningham, Goss, and Foggo.

On May 11, 2006, Kyle Sampson, Gonzales's chief of staff and counsel, e-mailed White House counsel William Kelley on "the real problem we have right now with Carol Lam." On May 12, 2006, FBI agents seized documents from Foggo's CIA office, where he served as Executive Director under CIA director Porter Goss, and his Vienna, Virginia home. Goss appointed Foggo Executive Director, the number three position at the CIA, to the surprise of many seasoned CIA professionals. At that point in time, federal prosecutors still did not have enough evidence to bring an indictment against Palfrey. On May 5, 2006, Porter Goss resigned as CIA director. Reports at the time say he had clashed with Director of National Intelligence John Negroponte. However, Goss and Negroponte had one tihing in common: they were both close to Foggo.

Foggo's background was logistics, not standard clandestine services. However, it is now known that Foggo's "logistics" services were the ultimate in clandestine operations: sexpionage and blackmail. Jim Olson, a former CIA station chief, was quoted in The Washington Post as saying Foggo "failed to report a number of his contacts with foreign national women." It has also been reported that Foggo frequented bars in Tegucigalpa, Honduras known as hangouts for prostitutes while he worked for Negroponte in the 1980s.

It now appears that Foggo's failure to report such contacts was part of his highly-classified sexpionage functions. WMR has learned that Foggo had offices in Vienna, Austria and Bangkok that coordinated the activities of CIA prostitute employees. However, WMR has also learned that more than one "madam" complained that Foggo was using American escorts to transport illegal drugs as "CIA mules."

On October 25, 2007, WMR's report was as follows: "WMR has previously reported that Pamela Martin & Associates (PMA) phone records showed phone calls from Poway, California, a suburb of San Diego, and the headquarters of ADCS, Wilkes' firm. On July 9, 2007, WMR reported: 'There are several calls between PMA and a Poway cell phone number in January 2006, just three months before the Shirlington Limousine-Wilkes-Wade-Cunningham story hit the newspapers. Palfrey maintained a residence in Escondido, also the home town of Cunningham, during this time frame. Palfrey does recall that someone using the first name of 'Brett' or 'Brent' did phone the agency on occasion from the San Diego area.'"Based on more recent information, it now appears that the calls from Poway were from Brent Wilkes, Foggo's friend and indicted co-conspirator.

WMR has also recently learned from another escort business source that the "poker parties" at the Watergate and Westin Grand entailed the guests viewing secretly taped videos of people set up in sex stings. The guests viewed the videos while playing poker. Some of the sting "victims" in the secret videos reportedly included Republican politicians, foreign diplomats, and Bush administration officials.

WMR provided details of the poker parties and limousine service that ferried escorts to the affairs on March 19, 2008:

Weeks prior to the beginning of the trial in Washington, DC of accused "Washington Madam" Deborah Jeane Palfrey, WMR has learned of a critical link between Palfrey's former Pamela Martin & Associates (PMA) escort form and Shirlington Limousine and Transportation Service of Virginia, the GOP-connected limousine service that not only received $21 million in contracts from the Department of Homeland Security but was connected to the "poker parties" at the Watergate and and the Westin Grand Hotel hotel involving CIA director Porter Goss, CIA Executive Director "Dusty" Foggo, House Intelligence Committee staffer Brant "Nine Fingers" Bassett, and California Representative "Duke" Cunningham were reportedly in attendance.

Palfrey contends that she and her escort service were singled out for selective prosecution because of the connections between her employees and top Republican officials. Her trial begins at the US District Court in Washington, DC on April 7.

The revelations about the PMA connections arise from a phone call made to Harper's magazine on May 9, 2007, just as the Pamela Martin story and its links to top Republicans were hitting the main stream media, particularly an ABC 20/20 report on the firm's top Bush administration clients. WMR has learned that a one-time escort for PMA phoned the magazine with a story about her experience in being ferried around Washington for encounters with important clients by Shirlington Limousine. Apparently, the phone call from the escort was taken by a Harper's intern who subsequently "lost" her number requiring the magazine to publish the following appeal:

TITLE

Missed Connection

DEPARTMENTWashington Babylon
BYKen Silverstein
PUBLISHEDMay 9, 2007

A very important phone call regarding Shirlington Limousine came through the Harper’s offices today, and unfortunately the person who called was not provided with my phone number. Could that person please contact Harper’s again–(212) 420 5740–and ask for Paul Ford, who will provide, in strictest confidence, all the information she needs in order to contact me.


The escort reportedly never re-established contact. [WMR extends an invitation to the aforementioned individual or any other escort of PMA to contact us at wmreditor@waynemadsenreport.com. Strict confidentiality is assured from this end].

On July 9, 2007, WMR reported on the nexus between PMA and firms associated with the Cunningham and GOP lobbyist scandal:

"An examination of the phone records of PMA from the mid 1990s to about 1997 reveals that calls were placed by the agency mostly to land line phones at offices, homes, and hotels. Calls were also placed by PMA to the escorts, who were independent contractors for the firm. Towards the end of the 1990s and the new decade, more cell phones were used to make calls and landline use drastically tapered off.

As cell phone numbers became more portable, the records from 2001 to 2006 show a number of non-Washington area cell phone numbers increasingly used to phone PMA from the Washington DC area, particularly numbers from Georgia (Atlanta), Texas (San Antonio), West Virginia, North Carolina (Raleigh), South Carolina (Columbia), Illinois, Florida (West Palm Beach), and California (La Jolla and Poway).

Poway, just north of San Diego, was the headquarters of ADCS, Inc. and its subsidiaries. ADCS was the company headed by Brent Wilkes, a key GOP figure involved in the scandal that sent San Diego Republican Congressman Randy 'Duke' Cunningham to prison for various felonies, including bribery. Cunningham was also linked to the use of prostitutes on his MZM, Inc.-supplied yacht, the 'Duke-stir,' Cunningham's party boat located in the Washington Marina. MZM was headed by GOP contributor Mitchell Wade who pleaded guilty to paying bribes to Cunningham in February 2006.

Wade admitted to federal investigators that he had an arrangement with Shirlington Limousine, which had an arrangement with an escort service to transport prostitutes to suites at the Watergate Hotel and the Westin Grand paid for by Wilkes. The suites often hosted 'poker parties,' at which Cunningham, former CIA Director Porter Goss, Goss' House Intelligence Committee staffer Brant 'Nine Fingers' Bassett, and Goss' Executive Director Kyle 'Dusty' Foggo were reportedly in attendance.

There are several calls between PMA and a Poway cell phone number in January 2006, just three months before the Shirlington Limousine-Wilkes-Wade-Cunningham story hit the newspapers. Palfrey maintained a residence in Escondido, also the home town of Cunningham, during this time frame. Palfrey does recall that someone using the first name of 'Brett' or 'Brent' did phone the agency on occasion from the San Diego area.

Cunningham resigned from Congress in November 2005 after pleading guilty to receiving bribes from Wilkes and Wade.

WMR has determined that the PMA escort business was, in addition to several other notable Washington hotels, centered on two hotels close to the White House: the St. Regis Hotel and the Capitol Hilton, which are across the street from one another on 16th Street, a few blocks north of the White House.

The nexus of the prosecution of Jeane Palfrey and the Cunningham-Wilkes-Wade-Shirlington Limo case is noteworthy. Palfrey's case also involves the sacked U.S. Attorney for Baltimore, Tom DiBiagio, who was investigating Republican Governor Bob Ehrlich's staff for use of prostitutes and other corruption. DiBiagio was fired by the Justice Department for pursuing the case against Ehrlich. U.S. Attorney for San Diego Carol Lam was fired, in part, for her aggressive prosecution of Cunningham and his cronies."

Wilkes was sentenced to 12 years imprisonment on February 19, 2008 for bribing Cunningham in return for lucrative government contracts. Mitchell Wade, the former owner of MZM, Inc., who pleaded guilty to paying more than $1 million in bribes to Cunningham in return for defense contracts, admitted that Wilkes set up a prostitution ring using Shirlington. The deal between Wilkes and Shirlington reportedly extended back to 1990. PMA started its business three years later. Cunningham pleaded guilty on March 3, 2006, to multiple charges against, including bribery and wire fraud, and was sentenced to over eight years in prison.

The DiBiagio firing is also noteworthy. On January 26, 2007, just a few weeks before the indictments of Foggo, Wilkes, and Palfrey, and the resignation of Lam, another Pamela Martin escort, Brandy Britton, a former University of Maryland professor who was later charged with, was found hanging in her Ellicott City, Maryland home. Britton had been charged with prostitution by the state of Maryland in 2006. Her clients had, according to Britton, included police, attorneys, and judges. One named client in seized records was named "Robert." U.S. Attorney for Maryland DiBiagio was investigating top Maryland officials for corruption and involvement in prostitution. DiBiagio was one of the first U.S. Attorneys fired after George W. Bush's re-election in 2004. One of DiBiagio's targets was Maryland Republican Governor Robert Ehrlich.

DiBiagio had already won a conviction against Ehrlich's state police superintendent Ed Norris for using police funds while he was Baltimore police commissioner to pay for prostitutes, including those from Pamela Martin. At the time that DiBiagio was investigating Ehrlich, Palfrey came under investigation by the Internal Revenue Service in Baltimore for tax fraud and the US Postal Inspection Service for mail fraud, both arising from her escort business. DiBiagio, knowing that Palfrey could lead him to "bigger fish," never apparently entertained indicting her in his jurisdiction.

Britton was found hanging by her daughter. Ironically, on May 1, 2008, Palfrey would be found hanging by her mother at the mother's home in Tarpon Springs, Florida. Both hangings were concluded to be "suicides."

Palfrey was convicted on fraud and prostitution charges on April 15, 2008, in Washington, DC. She committed "suicide" on May 1, 2008, prior to her sentencing in July.

Foggo originally pleaded "not guilty" at the U.S. Courthouse in San Diego to 30 counts of fraud, conspiracy, and money laundering. However, the CIA convinced the Justice Department to move the case from San Diego to the Eastern District of Virginia in Alexandria, where the CIA has substantial influence to limit fallout from such cases involving its personnel.

Foggo ultimately pleaded guilty on September 28, 2008, to a single count of wire fraud after the government dropped 27 other charges in the U.S. in Alexandria. Foggo had earlier threatened to expose the CIA's most hidden secrets in an earlier prosecutors court filing: "[Foggo threatened] to expose the cover of virtually every CIA employee with whom he interacted and to divulge to the world some of our country's most sensitive programs—even though this information has absolutely nothing to do with the charges he faces." It now appears that among those "sensitive programs" was sexual blackmail involving Palfrey's escort service, among sleect others.

Foggo successfully turned "blackmail" into "graymail" and received 37 months in prison in February of this year. He could have received 20 years. US Judge James Cacheris, who, along with his brother, defense attorney Plato Cacheris who has defended a number of CIA and FBI agents charged with espionage, acts as the CIA's protectors in the eastern Virginia district, told Foggo his lawyers "have done a good job for you in this case." The deal meant that Foggo would remain silent and the CIA's involvement with blackmailing U.S. politicians and foreign officials, said to include Russian and Chinese diplomats in Washington, as well as Arab princes and oil ministry officials, would remain safe from disclosure. However, as reported by WMR, Pamela Martin's clients also included Dick Cheney while he was the head of Halliburton. Cheney's secret was that he engaged an escort at least once and paid her to straddle a glass top table with Cheney underneath. The escort then evacuated her bowels on the table while Cheney watched. CIA sources told WMR that Cheney used the name "Bruce Chiles" when dealing with the escort service and that most of his encounters took place in McLean, Virginia.

WMR has also learned that Foggo traveled to Vienna, Austria a number of times since his wife is an Austrian national, itself an oddity for a senior CIA official. WMR previously reported: " . . . it is a certainty that one of the actual 'corporate clients' of the PMA [Pamela Martin & Associates] agency was the CIA itself."

On September 1, 2007, WMR reported:

"WMR has learned that on August 31, Deborah Jeane Palfrey, the indicted Pamela Martin & Associates proprietor, filed a 'Motion for Pretrial Conference to Consider Matters Relating to classified information' under the 'Classified Information Procedures Act' with the U.S. District Court in Washington, DC. The purpose of the filing alerts the government that Palfrey's defense will likely involved the disclosure of evidence and identities presently deemed 'classified" by the U.S. government.'"

The CIPA is only invoked in cases when classified national security information must be revealed. It is now clear that Palfrey, who never admitted to this editor any links between her agency and the CIA, was a contractor for the spy agency. Palfrey's citing of CIPA is an indication that she signed a non-disclosure agreement with the CIA stating that she would never reveal classified information as a result of her special relationship with the agency unless authorized to do so. Palfrey's non-disclosure agreement would have resulted in her making no comment to the press about any relationship. However, it must be stated that Palfrey always insisted to this editor that it was quite possible that some of her employees may have had a relationship with U.S. intelligence but that she would not necessarily know that to be the case.

Palfrey was never comfortable with her court-appointed attorney Preston Burton. Burton once was a partner in the law office of Plato Cacheris in Washington. Cacheris' name is synonymous in DC circles with CIA scandals, particularly those dealing in espionage. Burton's resume of clients is a "Who's Who" of the past two decades of spy scandals: the CIA's Soviet spy Aldrich Ames, the FBI's Soviet spy Robert Hanssen, Oliver North's secretary Fawn Hall, Watergate convicted Attorney General John Mitchell, and Monica Lewinsky. Burton, himself, was involved in the defense of Ames, Hanssen, Lewinsky, as well as Ana Belen Montes, a former Defense Intelligence Agency analyst convicted of spying for Cuba.

The top CIA cases involved the US Eastern District of Virginia court in Alexandria, where Plato Cacheris' brother, James Cacheris, serves as a senior judge. Known as the 'rocket docket,' Plato and James Cacheris have overseen a number of espionage cases, including Ames, that saw quick pleas and lifetime prison sentences. Mention the name Cacheris in Washington, DC and CIA comes instantly to mind among those who know the game. Palfrey was obviously aware of the CIA's past use of 'rocket dockets' in Alexandria and Washington and the 'exchange' of emails between U.S. Judge James Robertson, federal prosecutors William Cowden and Daniel Butler, and Burton on the weekend before Burton agreed to not call any defense witnesses and allow the case to be sent directly to the jury was a sure indication of outside interference in the case. Robertson, who replaced Kessler after she requested to be reassigned, promised to reveal the emails to the public, indicating he was legally required to do so. To date, to our knowledge, they have not been released. . .

There is another interesting postscript to the Palfrey case. Palfrey, after deciding to close down PMA and move to Europe, chose to buy an apartment in the former East Berlin. This editor discussed this with Palfrey and the consensus was that, for European prices, there were some good deals on real estate in eastern Berlin as the former Soviet sector has lagged behind in improving infrastructure. However, it was intriguing that Palfrey, who spent her time mostly in California and Florida, would have known about a good deal in East Berlin. Or did one of her agency handlers recommend it as the perfect place to get away from the 'game' in Washington?"

Based on Palfrey's relationship with Foggo, it now appears that Foggo, as the CIA's logistics chief in Frankfurt, Germany, would have known about the availability of CIA safe houses for sale, including the East Berlin apartment that Palfrey was to purchase for $70,000. Foggo reportedly saw Palfrey while every time she visited Germany. After Palfrey wired $70,000 to Germany on September 28, 2006, the IRS and Postal Inspection agents ratcheted up their investigation of Palfrey. At the same time, the Justice Department and Lam were closely on the heels of Foggo.

Other than Palfey's desire to invoke the CIPA, there are two other indications that she was involved with the CIA's sexpionage operations. One is that U.S. District Judge Gladys Kessler, Palfrey's original trial judge and a person who seemed sympathetic to Palfrey's plight and demanded to know why federal prosecutors were not interested in pursuing the escort service's clients, was asked to be reassigned rom the case in December 2007. U.S. Judge James Robertson, who had connections with U.S. intelligence as a one-time member of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court, replaced Palfrey. The second is more personal. After Palfrey requested this editor to take the stand in her defense and testify about the identities of her service's clients, including Cheney, I visited the law offices of her attorney in Washington, DC. Present was a disagreeable individual who grimaced every time I mentioned a possible connection between Pamela Martin and the CIA. I was later told he was there to protect the interests of the CIA in the case.

There is yet another postscript to this story. WMR has learned that the political fallout from the CIA's sexpionage program still affects politicians. Senator John Ensign (R-NV) was warned by the Gonzales Justice Department and Rove not to make waves over the firing of U.S. Attorney Dan Bogden in the massive firing of U.S. Attorneys following the 2004 presidential election. Bogden had been recommended by Ensign. Ensign's current sex scandal involving a legislative aide on his staff who was also his mistress and who received "hush money" is an outcome of his refusal to back down on investigating the Bogden firing matter.


Bhutto assassination linked to US-run Pakistani terrorist group

Based on intelligence sources, WMR previously reported a link between the Dick Cheney-Pentagon Joint Special Operations Command (JSOC) assassination team and the the assassination in December 2007 of former Pakistani Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto. WMR has now obtained from knowledgeable Pakistani sources the logistical network behind the killing of Bhutto.

Pakistani sources who have closely monitored the activities of Waziristan-based militants have discovered that Abdullah Masud, the reputed brother of Waziristan-based insurgent leader Baitullah Mehsud, was released by the United States from detention in Guantanamo Bay, Cuba after his capture in Afghanistan in December 2001 by the forces of Afghan Uzbek warlord Abdul Rashid Dostum after the Battle of Kunduz. Mehsud spent 25 months in Guantanamo but was released by the United States and returned to South Waziristan where he joined Baitullah Mehsud's forces and rebuilt the Taliban network in Pakistan's tribal region with the bllessing of the CIA. Abdullah Mehsud was killed with other militants by Pakistani forces in an attack on their house in Baluchistan on July 24, 2007. However, Pakistani sources report that Abdullah Mehsud was secretly working with U.S., Indian, and Israeli intelligence.

Abdullah Mehsud was eventually replaced by Qari Zainuddin, but he began blowing the whistle on cooperation between Baitullah Mehsud's Tehreek-e-Taliban movement and Indian and U.S. intelligence, specifically in its involvement in the assassination of Mrs. Bhutto. After Zainuddin stepped up his charges that Baitullah Mehsud worked with the Indians and Americans to assassinate Bhutto, he was killed by his bodyguard Gulbadin Mehsud last month on June 23.

Baitullah Mehsud's sudden rise to prominence in Pakistan's northwest tribal region has raised eyebrows in Pakistan. Baitullah Mehsud, according to WMR's sources, "came out of nowhere and all of a sudden raised an army of thousands that get paid salaries up to eight times higher than the national average."

In addition, the encrypted communications systems used by Baitullah Mehsud's forces "has been too sophisticated for our intelligence to crack," according to our sources.

WMR has also learned that the equipment and weapons found by Pakistani security forces in Tehreek-e-Taliban arms caches and on the dead bodies of the insurgent fighters is manufactured in India and Israel. The dead militants have also found to be mostly uncircumcised, an unthinkable practice among dedicated Taliban members.

There is a strong belief by Pakistani authorities that Baitullah Mehsud and his network is part of the secret Cheney-Pentagon JSOC/Task Force 121 assassination and has operated with the support of Indian and Israeli intelligence. This is the first indication that the secret military group run out of Cheney's office has links to groups and individuals identified in the past as being part of the Taliban/"Al Qaeda" construct.

The real secret about the Cheney-Pentagon team is that it participated in other terrorist attacks attributed to "Al Qaeda." Future revelations about Cheney's covert team may expose the former Vice President's involvement in activities much more damaging than political assassinations and kidnappings, including the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001.

Previously, WMR was informed by knowledgeable sources in central Asia that exiled leaders of the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan living in the tribal region bordering Afghanistan and Pakistan had been linked to JSOC personnel assigned to the Cheney-Pentagon secret team. They had been linked to the May 2005 anti-government riots in Andijan in eastern Uzbekistan that killed some 200 people.

Joint Israeli and Indian "false flag" intelligence operations in Pakistan began in earnest in early 2001 with "Operation Blue Tulsi," according to WMR's Pakistani sources. Indian Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) and Mossad agents of the agency's special operations Metsada unit and special forces Sayeret Matkal Unit 262 infiltrated Pakistan to conduct false flag assassinations of Islamic clerics and military officers, journalists, government officials, foreign diplomatic personnel, and judicial authorities. In addition, bombs would be exploded on trains and in railway and bus stations, movie theaters, hotels, foreign embassies, and mosques. Islamist insurgent groups would be blamed for the attacks by the international media.

The group also incited secessionist tensions in Baluchistan, a move that saw the creation of Jondollah, which launched terrorist attacks in the Baluch region of southeastern Iran under the primary direction of the CIA station in Muscat, Oman.

The ultimate target of Operation Blue Tulsi was reportedly the destruction of Pakistan's nuclear weapons inventory and its means of production. Blue Tulsi was closely coordinated by the RAW, CIA, the Pentagon's JSOC, Mossad, and Rehman Malik, the head of the Pakistani Federal Investigation Agency (FIA) during Bhutto's second term as Prime Minister. Malik was reportedly a key interlocutor in Pakistan between his intelligence agents and the CIA/Pentagon team, Mossad, and RAW. Suspicously, Malik was the head of Bhutto's security team when she was assassinated in Rawalpindi on December 27, 2007. Bhutto's widower, Presiddent Asif Ali Zardari "rewarded" Malik's lax attention to security by appointing him Interior affairs adviser and then Interior Minister of Pakistan.

Friday, July 17, 2009

U.S. policy of political assassination follows Obama into office

WMR has learned from knowledgeable sources inside Honduras that on July 5, as the Venezuelan plane carrying ousted President Manuel Zelaya and United Nations General Assembly President Miguel d'Escoto Brockmann to Honduras circled Tegucigalpa International Airport, the Honduran Air Force, with the knowledge of U.S. military personnel at the Soto Cano/Palmerola airbase in Honduras and the US Southern Command (SOUTHCOM) in Miami, launched two planes to shoot down the aircraft. The Honduran air force planes were launched from the American base.

The Honduran Air Force commander who ordered the planes to shoot down the Venezuelan aircraft is General Luis Javier Prince Suazo, who is a graduate, along with General Romeo Orlando Vasquez Velasquez, the armed forces commander, of the infamous School of the Americas at Fort Benning, Georgia. An emissary of Vasquez Velasquez visited SOUTHCOM headquarters in Miami just days before the coup to coordinate U.S. military involvement with the coup.

Bolivian President Evo Morales recently stated in Montevideo, the Uruguay capital, "I have first-hand information that the empire, through the US Southern Command, made the coup d'etat in Honduras." Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez said in La Paz, the Bolivian capital, "it [the Honduran coup] was orchestrated by the State Department, you can bet your head on that . . . I believe Obama was not informed of the conspiracy; it was all the workings of the State Department." Secretary of State Hillary Clinton recently gave a speech to the Council on Foreign Relations. In the audience was John Negroponte, the former Deputy Secretary of State under George W. Bush and the U.S. ambassador in Honduras during the reign of U.S.-sponsored death squads. Negroponte has a number of financial and political interests in Honduras and he is close to some of the major Honduran junta members and chief supporters.

In addition to shooting down Zelaya's aircraft, the Honduran fighters also had orders to shoot down two other planes that planned to land at Tegucigalpa International after Zelaya's plane touched down. One of the two planes was carrying Presidents Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner of Argentina, Rafael Correa of Ecuador, and Fernando Lugo of Paraguay. The other plane was carrying Organization of American States (OAS) Secretary General Jose Miguel Insulza from Washington, DC. Zelaya and the other presidents and international organization leaders were forced to land in neighboring El Salvador after Honduran troops parked trucks on the runway as Zelaya's plane circled the airport and opened fire on pro-Zelaya crowds waiting to welcome the president back to Honduras.

The two Honduran fighters also reportedly followed Zelaya's aircraft into El Salvadorean airspace before breaking off pursuit.

Contrary to international news reports, WMR has learned from eyewitnesses to the shooting at the airport that four people were killed and some 30 were wounded by Honduran military gunfire. One of those killed was a 8-year old indigenous native boy. In addition, a 20-year old man was killed, along with two other men in their mid-20s. Eyewitnesses to the massacre report that a CNN crew witnessed the dead boy and young men at a Red Cross facility but declined to film the scene.

Honduran soldiers shot out the tires of buses bringing people from the countryside into the capital to participate in anti-coup demonstrations.

WMR has also learned from Honduran sources that U.S. ambassador to Honduras Hugo Llorens closely coordinated his activities with the coup leaders. Llorens' car was seen by the public traveling between the U.S. embassy and the government buildings where the coup leaders were consolidating their hold on power. Llorens, a Cuban-born U.S. citizen, was reportedly heavily involved in the 2002 coup against Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez while serving in the National Security Council at the White House.

On the eve of the airport protest, Channel 11 News in Tegucigalpa was bombed by pro-junta forces. On board Zelaya's plane was a news crew from Telesur television.

It is also reported to WMR that the Archbishop of Tegucigalpa and to Catholic bishops supported the coup against Zelaya with the active involvement of Pope Benedict XVI in Vatican City. Archbishop Óscar Rodríguez Maradiaga stated: "We must support [junta leader Roberto] Micheletti and the rule of law and the Constitution." The prelate added, "the opposition are communists and socialists." The Catholic Church in San Pedro Sula was so supportive of the coup, the pro-Zelaya forces refer to it as "the Church of the Coup." However, Catholic priests and nuns are almost united in opposition to the coup. Many told parishioners, "We are with the people and opposed to the coup."

Congressman Cesar Ham, the presidential candidate of the progressive Democratic Unification (UD) Party, was originally reported to have been shot and killed by Honduran troops. However, he recently turned up in Nicaragua after fleeing Honduras. WMR has learned from Honduran sources that Honduran troops were aided in locating anti-coup leaders by CIA agents in the country. On the day that Zelaya planned to return to Honduras by plane, CIA agents began questioning Americans in the country who were supporting Zelaya. CIA agents wanted to know where the Americans were staying in Honduras. In addition, WMR learned that the CIA helped Honduran intelligence track down Venezuelan and Nicaraguan journalists. The Honduran security forces had orders to kill the journalists.

WMR has also learned that support for Zelaya is strong among the Honduran police and the lower ranks of the Honduran military. There have been a number of cases where police and military personnel have refused to carry out their orders and aided opponents of the coup. Support for Zelaya is particularly strong in San Pedro Sula, Honduras's second largest city, and along the border with El Salvador. WMR has learned that the El Salvadorean Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front government is providing quiet assistance to Zelaya supporters along the border.

These are videos taken of anti-junta demonstrations by American Neil Brandvold who went to Honduras to support the Honduran people against the coup.

Anti-junta demonstration in Tegucigalpa [photo by Brandvold]

In what may be shallow hope, a number of pro-Zelaya supporters have said, "We have faith that Obama will help us." Based on the Obama administration's support for the coup and junta, those hopes now appear all but dashed.

Thursday, July 09, 2009

SPECIAL REPORT. The 9/11 "dogfight" over rural Pennsylvania

Based on information received from five different sources within the U.S. intelligence community who worked at three different agencies, WMR can report that on the morning of September 11, 2001, the U.S. Air Force shot down two air targets over a rural Pennsylvania area near the small town of Shanksville.

In what has become a story of mythic proportions, United Flight 93 took off from Newark International Airport at 8:42 am and was bound for San Francisco. The flight departed 41 minutes late from Newark. At 9:27 am, United 93 was allegedly hijacked by terrorists who turned off the plane's transponder at 9:30 am and changed course, heading to Washington. Passenger Todd Beamer, according to folklore, made a cell phone call at 9:45 am from the plane and ended the call with an announcement that the passengers were going to revolt. Beamer allegedly said "Let's Roll," a phrase that would be used by President George W. Bush in his speech from Atlanta on November 8, 2001.

At 9:58, a Flight 93 passenger allegedly made a cell phone call and said that he saw an explosion and smoke and that the plane was "going down."

The wife of United 93 passenger Mark "Mickey" Rothenberg, Meredith, expressed curiosity why her husband, who "lived by the phone," as she put it, never bothered calling her from the plane.

What WMR has uncovered from conversations with U.S. intelligence personnel who were on duty at National Security Agency (NSA) headquarters on September 11 and at other intelligence activities is that:

  • the tactical air communications unit at the National Security Operations Center (NSOC) at NSA was broadcasting live the cockpit communications between two U.S. Air Force F-16s over Somerset County, Pennsylvania. One F-16 pilot said "we are now engaging the target."
  • the NSA CRITICOM messaging system contained a flash message called a "CRITIC" that stated a commercial aircraft was "intercepted" over Pennsylvania. The latitude and longitude of the interception was provided along with the time of the interception.
  • A highly-classified and specially encrypted special communications network that linked Air Force Chief of Staff General John Jumper to the Vice President and National Security Council, and very few other intelligence officials contained a message on the morning of September 11 that confirmed the U.S. Air Force shot down United flight 93. The message stated that a U.S. Air Force fighter jet shot the engine on flight 93 with a heat-seeking missile "over Pennsylvania." The plane, according to the report, did not break up in the sky but crashed. The engine shot off the plane by the Air Force was later located 3,000 yards from the main wreckage site and the engine was riddled with shrapnel as was the surrounding fuselage. The following day, the comments stream for the special communications system was erased, something that had never before occurred with the particular system.
  • On September 11, President George W. Bush was overheard stating: "We shot a plane down over Pennsylvania."

However, WMR has learned from sources in Shanksville and the surrounding area that the "official" Stony Creek crash site where no Boeing 757 wreckage was seen when first responders from Shanksville arrived at 10:06 am, was not the crash site of United 93 but the impact crater of what closely matches the description of a Global Hawk unmanned aerial vehicle that was first reported by one witness at a nearby junk yard to have "collided" with United flight 93 but another witness witnessed a small white aircraft pass over Ginger Hill Road and clear some trees before exploding in a small mushroom cloud on the other side of the tree line. When the aircraft passed over the trees, there were no disturbance to the foliage. The fallout from the explosion was described by the witness as "glittery." There was hardly any wind that morning in the Shanksville area. Government investigators later claimed that the reported 8-mile long debris field from United 93 was due to debris being carried by the wind.

Perpetuating the flight 93 myth with financial help from the owner of 84 Lumber. The 9/11 Memorial Chapel.

A 911 emergency call to the Somerset Hospital Critical Care unit stated that the hospital should prepare for mass casualties since "two planes collided over Pennsylvania."

Some thirty minutes after first responders arrived at the Stony Creek impact datum, helicopters and SUVs descended on the quiet community and remained there in force for up to three days. Although all planes had been ordered grounded by the Federal Aviation Administration (FAA), one large plane that swooped in low over the area was said at the time to be carrying Pennsylvania Governor Tom Ridge on an inspection tour of the crash site.

The mysterious crash site was placed under 24-hour armed guard. The area remains restricted to the public with a chain link fence to the present day. On the evening of September 11, two hapless teens who entered the restricted area around the crash datum were wrestled to the ground by security personnel and had loaded guns placed on them until they could be escorted away.

At the same time, the Air Force shot down United 93 but its crash impact area was not where the government and media claimed it had crashed -- in a reclaimed landfill area in Stony Creek Township. WMR learned that there were five different debris locations discovered on the morning of September 11: (1) the Stony Creek location where the Global Hawk drone crashed; (2) a reported engine location near the Global Hawk location but supposedly found in dense woods near the Global Hawk datum; (3) debris and reportedly a part of a body found in Indian Lake, to the east of the Global Hawk datum; (4) a debris field consisting only of singed paper on a single property on the east side of Huckleberry Highway, southeast of Indian Lake; and (5) another debris field, also consisting mostly of singed paper, in New Baltimore, some 8 miles from the fourth debris field, just off the Pennsylvania Turnpike.

At the Huckleberry Highway residential debris field, singed paper was gathered up that filled two lawn-sized plastic garbage bags. Witnesses described the paper as being insurance papers, bank statements, and stock and bond certificates. None of the neighboring homes reported any debris attributed to United 93. The New Baltimore debris field also reportedly consisted of singed bonds and insurance and bank papers.

The only witness who saw the non-Boeing 757 aircraft that crashed in the landfill in Stony Creek described it as "not a plane" with no engine, pure white, tubular, with no markings or windows, soundless, and with the appearance of a molded piece of plastic. The aircraft banked to the right before ascending over a tree line before crashing. Under the aircraft and mid-belly could be seen what the witness described as a "fin and spoiler."

The gaudy temporary United 93 memorial is run by the National Park Service before a permanent memorial is constructed.

After the crash of the reported unmanned aerial vehicle, the witness noticed two fighter jets in the area that circled and departed rapidly from the scene.

Although Shanksville and environs were far from the chaos in New York and Washington on the morning of September 11, all the phones circuits were tied up in the rural Pennsylvania area when the two aircraft went down at around 10:00 am. However, one phone call that got through to a witness from a relative in Lancaster, Pennsylvania said that a friend in the Air Force said that the service had "shot down a plane in Pennsylvania."

WMR learned that witnesses, including Amish and non-Amish farmers who were working in their fields that morning and saw U.S. Air Force fighter planes shoot down United 93 were threatened by FBI agents. One witness had a security gag order placed on him by the FBI. As the years went by, a number of farmer witnesses changed their stories to coincide with the official story that rebel passengers crashed a Boeing 757 into a reclaimed landfill and that it was simply "absorbed" into the ground with scant plane debris.

One FBI agent with an accompanying policeman, who was not wearing a uniform known to the region, pounded on one witness's door at 11:30 pm on the night of 9/11 and was extremely nasty with the witness and her family, including an ailing elderly mother. The police officer, who was neither with the Somerset County Sheriff's Department or the Pennsylvania State Police, never showed the witness a badge nor did he introduce himself. The FBI scoffed at the witness, claiming the witness had no idea what a Boeing 757 actually looked like. The witness told the FBI agent that what was seen "could have been from another country."

The temporary memorial has cockpit voice recorder transmission transcripts available with the Islamic-oriented comments of the alleged hijackers highlighted.

The next day, three FBI agents came to the same witness and told the witness: "Do not lose faith in your government. We are handling it." The FBI tried to explain the small white plane as someone flying around taking pictures of the crash scene and that the pilot was heavily fined as a result. The FBI was informed by the witness that the white aircraft was in the area before the explosion.

The "Flight 93" crash site remains fenced in and restricted. The reason is because a Boeing 757 never crashed there. It was the impact point of a Global Hawk UAV likely shot down by the Air Force. The crash site shown on TV lies beyond the small US flag in the center of the field but before the tree line.

A reporter for the Newark Star-Ledger, who arrived in Shanksville to cover the story, later was quoted as saying, "As time goes by, this is not going to the official story," a reference to the myth-lore surrounding the fate of United 93.

What was described by the closest witness nearest the Stony Creek impact area was a Global Hawk UAV.

Among the first responders was the Shanksville Fire Department. Initially, the Shanksville and New Baltimore volunteer fire departments were skeptical about the official story because neither saw any plane wreckage. However, after brand new fire trucks with "9/11" painted on them showed up shortly after 9/11, their stories changes and became much more aligned with the jingoistic explanation of brave Americans sacrificing themselves to protect the nation's capital from another attack. Shanksville's twenty-year Mayor Ernie Stull stated that when he arrived at the crash scene he saw no evidence of a plane crash. Stull died of heart failure at age 82 in 2006 after retiring as mayor in 2005.

Initial skepticism by Shanksville first responders was quickly erased with a new fire engine and a piece of the World Trade Center shaped into a cross.

Somerset coroner Wallace Miller said that when he first arrived at the crash datum he was stunned to see how small the 10 foot deep hole was and the absence of bodies. A nearby cabin belonging to Barry Hoover was destroyed by a "blast" from what he described as a tornado or hurricane.

Flight 93 temporary memorial is full of kitsch but lacking in truth.

Unlike New York and the Arlington-Washington areas, the rural area around Shanksville has never had a town activist meeting of those witnesses who saw things that do not fit neatly into the government's description. Most people accept the government's theory and are supporting the building of a permanent National Park Service memorial to honor Flight 93. A 100-year old church has been bought with private funds, mainly from the fortune of 84 Lumber owned Joseph Hardy, and transformed into a kitschy 9/11 chapel with letters from George W. Bush and police and fire department badges from around the country. The chapel is run by "Reverend Al" Alphonse Mascherino, whose certificate is on display: an honorary doctorate of divinity from the Midwest Seminary of Bible Theology in Missouri.

The small town of New Baltimore, some 10 miles from Shanksville had a Flight 93 debris field, one consisting of singed financial documents. New Baltimore lies alongside the Pennsylvania Turnpike.

A number of questions have arisen based on the new information about the aerial fireworks that involved at least four planes over the the Shanksville area on 9/11.

One of the primary questions is the role the U.S. Air Force Global Hawk Program office at the Air Combat Command (ACC) at Langley Air Force Base, Virginia played on 9/11. On September 6, 2001, just three working days prior to 9/11, the Air Combat Command chief, General John P. Jumper, assumed control of the Air Force as Chief of Staff. In August 2007, after just three months on the job as Commander of the 5th Bomb Wing at Minot Air Force Base, North Dakota, six nuclear-armed cruise missiles were shipped to Louisiana for, what WMR reported, was a planned secret nuclear strike on Iran utilizing a separate chain-of-command from the Pentagon. The mission was aborted after three high-ranking Air Force officers leaked the movement of the weapons to the media. After being relieved of his command over the missing nuclear weapons incident, Emig was transferred to the Unmanned Aerial Vehicle (UAV) Division at the Air Combat Command at Langley Air Force Base, Virginia. One of the Air Force's primary UAV contractors is Northrop Grumman, which has a cooperative relationship with Israel Aircraft Industries on using Israeli UAV technology, particularly for the Global Hawk UAV.

Another is who ordered FBI agents and unknown police officers to badger witnesses in the Shanksville area into silence? Was it FBI director Robert Mueller who said there was no proof that Osama Bin Laden was responsible for 9/11. Or was it someone else known for threatening people and worse: Vice President Dick Cheney whose own dubious fingerprints are all over the anomalies associated with American Airlines flight 77 that allegedly crashed into the Pentagon. One retired senior U.S. Air Force official told WMR today that what he saw make a hole in the side of the Pentagon had to have been a UAV. Like Stony Creek, there were no indications that a commercial aircraft had crashed into the Pentagon.

And those two questions are just for starters.

Wednesday, July 08, 2009

How the FBI and 9/11 Commission Suppressed Key Evidence about Hani Hanjour, alleged hijack pilot of AAL 77

The evidence was crucial because it undermined the official explanation that Hani Hanjour crashed American Airlines Flight 77 into the Pentagon at high speed after executing an extremely difficult top gun maneuver. But to understand how all of this played out, let us review the case in bite-size pieces...

In August 2004 when the 9/11 Commission completed its official investigation of the September 11, 2001 attack, the commission transfered custody of its voluminous records to the National Archives and Records Administration (NARA).[1] There, the records remained under lock and key for four and a half years, until last January when NARA released a fraction of the total for public viewing. Each day, more of the released files are scanned and posted on the Internet, making them readily accessible. Although most of the newly-released documents are of little interest, the files I will discuss in this article contain important new information.

As we know, the 9/11 Commission did not begin its work until 2003–––more than a year after the fact. By this time a number of journalists had already done independent research and published articles about various facets of 9/11. Some of this work was of excellent quality. The Washington Post, for example, interviewed aviation experts who stated that the plane allegedly piloted by Hani Hanjour [AA Flight 77] had been flown “with extraordinary skill, making it highly likely that a trained pilot was at the helm.”[2] Yet, strangely, when other journalists investigated Hani Hanjour they found a trail of clues indicating he was a novice pilot, wholly incapable of executing a top gun maneuver and a successful suicide attack in a Boeing 757. By early 2003 this independent research was a matter of public record, which created a serious problem for the 9/11 Commission...

By all accounts Hani Hanjour was a diminutive fellow. He stood barely five feet tall and was slight of build. As a young man in his hometown of Taif, Saudi Arabia, Hanjour cultivated no great dreams of flying airplanes. He was satisfied with a more modest ambition: he wanted to become a flight attendant. That is, until his older brother Abulrahman encouraged him to aim higher. Even so, Hani Hanjour’s aptitude for learning appears to have been rather limited. Although he resided in the US for about 38 months over a ten-year period that ended on 9/11, Hanjour never learned to speak or write English, a telling observation about his capacity for learning. As we will discover, he actually flunked a written test for a driver’s license just weeks before 9/11.

While it is true that Hanjour trained at various flight schools in the US, the evidence shows he was a perpetual novice. Hanjour dropped out of his first school, the Sierra Academy of Aeronautics, located in Oakland, after attending only a few classes. Next, he enrolled at Cockpit Resource Management (CRM), a flight school in Scottsdale, Arizona. But his performance as a student at CRM was less than adequate. Duncan K.M. Hastie, owner of the school, described Hanjour as “a weak student” who was “wasting our resources.”[3] After several weeks, Hanjour withdrew from the program, then returned in 1997 for another short period of instruction. This on and off pattern of behavior was typical of the man. Hastie says that over the next three years Hanjour called him at least twice a year, and each time wanted to return for more training. By this time, however, it was obvious to Hastie that his erstwhile student had no business in a cockpit. Hastie refused to let Hanjour come back. “I would recognize his voice,” Hastie said. “He was always talking about wanting more training. Yes, he wanted to be an airline pilot. That was his stated goal. That’s why I didn’t allow him to come back. I thought ‘You’re never going to make it’.”[4]

Rejected by CRM, Hanjour enrolled at nearby Sawyer Aviation, also located in the Phoenix area. Wes Fults, a former instructor at Sawyer, later described it as the school of last resort. Said Fults: “it was a commonly held truth that, if you failed anywhere else, go to Sawyer.” Fults remembers training Hanjour, whom he describes as “a neophyte.” He says Hani “got overwhelmed with the instruments” in the school’s flight simulator. “He had only the barest understanding of what the instruments were there to do,” said Fults. “He [Hanjour] used the simulator three or four times, then disappeared like a fog.”[5] I must emphasize to the reader, I am not making this up. Other accounts by Newsday, the New York Times, as well as the FOX network, all confirm that Hani Hanjour was at best a novice pilot.

Evading the Language Requirement

In fact, because fluency in English is required to qualify for a US pilot’s license, Hanjour’s atrocious English should have barred him from ever obtaining a license. But it seems that Hanjour exploited a loophole in the Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) system, which for years has outsourced the pilot certification process. According to a June 2002 story in the Dallas Morning News, Hanjour was certified in April 1999 as an “Airplane Multi-Engine Land/Commercial Pilot” by Daryl Strong, one of the FAA’s 20,000 designated pilot examiners.[6] Although an FAA official later defended the agency’s policy of using private contractors, a critic, Heather Awsumb, took issue with it. Awsumb is a spokesperson for the Professional Airways Systems Specialists (PASS) Union, which represents more than 11,000 FAA and Defense Department employees. She pointed out that the FAA does not have anywhere near enough staff to oversee its 20,000 designated inspectors, all of whom have a financial interest in certifying as many pilots as possible. Hanjour probably evaded the language requirement by finding an examiner willing to ignore the rule. Said Awsumb: “They receive between $200 and $300 for each flight check. If they get a reputation for being too tough, they won’t get any business.” According to Awsumb, the present system allows “safety to be sold to the lowest bidder.”[7]

Later, Hanjour’s horrible English prompted one flight school, Jet Tech, to question the authenticity of his FAA-approved pilot’s license. Jet Tech was another school in the Phoenix area where Hanjour sought continuing instruction. Peggy Chevrette, operation manager at Jet Tech, later told FOX News: “I couldn’t believe that he had a license of any kind with the skills that he had.”[8] She explained that Hanjour’s English was so bad it took him five hours to complete an oral exam that normally should have taken about two.

But it wasn’t just his poor English that failed to impress. In his evaluation the Jet Tech flight instructor wrote that the “student [Hanjour] made numerous errors during his performance and displayed a lack of understanding of some basic concepts. The same was true during review of systems knowledge….I doubt his ability to pass an FAA [Boeing 737] oral at this time or in the near future.” The 737 instructor concluded his evaluation with a final entry: “He [Hanjour] will need much more experience flying smaller A/C [aircraft] before he is ready to master large jets.”[9] The 9/11 Commission Report fails to discuss or even mention this negative written evaluation, even while presenting Hanjour’s substandard performance in a Boeing 737 simulator as sufficient evidence that Hanjour could fly a Boeing 757, an even larger plane![10] The wording of the final report succeeds in giving this impression, however dubious, even while obscuring the facts: an amazing achievement of propaganda.

Early in 2001, Peggy Chevrette, the operation manager at Jet Tech, repeatedly conveyed her concerns about Hanjour to the FAA. Eventually John Anthony, a federal inspector, showed up at the school and examined Hanjour’s credentials. But Anthony found them in order and took no further action. The inspector even suggested that Jet Tech provide Hanjour with an interpreter. This surprised Chevrette because it was a violation of FAA rules. “The thing that really concerned me,” she later told FOX News, “Was that John had a conversation in the hallway with Hani and realized what his skills were at that point and his ability to speak English.”[11] Evidently, the inspector also sat in on a class with Hanjour.

FOX News was unable to reach John Anthony for comment, but FAA spokesperson Laura Brown defended the FAA employee. “There was nothing about the pilot’s actions” she said, “to signal criminal intent or that would have caused us to alert law enforcement.”[12] This is true enough. The Jet Tech staff never suspected that Hani Hanjour was a terrorist. According to Marilyn Ladner, vice-president Pan Am International, the company that owned Jet Tech, “It was more of a very typical instructional concern that ‘you really shouldn’t be in the air’.”[13] Although Pan Am dissolved its Jet Tech operation shortly after 9/11, a former employee who knew Hanjour expressed amazement “that he [Hanjour] could have flown into the Pentagon. [because] He could not fly at all.”[14]

The “Scouting” Flights

We know that in the months before the September 11, 2001 attack Hani Hanjour rented planes at several small airports on the outskirts of New York City and Washington DC. The 9/11 Commission Report mentions these local flights and suggests that Hanjour was scouting the terrain: familiarizing himself with possible suicide targets.[15] But the record also shows the same pattern described above. For example, on May 29, 2001 Hanjour rented a plane at a small airport in Teterboro, New Jersey and flew “the Hudson Tour,” accompanied by a flight instructor. However, the next day, when Hanjour returned for a repeat flight the same instructor “would not allow it because of Hanjour’s poor piloting skills.”[16] The 9/11 Commission Report actually cites this incident, but in a context that diminishes its significance.[17]

The pattern played out again on August 16-17, 2001 when Hanjour attempted to rent a plane at Freeway Airport, in Bowie, Maryland, about twenty miles from Washington. Although Hanjour presented his FAA license, according to Newsday the Freeway Airport manager insisted that instructors first accompany him on a test flight to evaluate his piloting skills. During three such flights over two days in a single-engine Cessna 172, instructors Sheri Baxter and Ben Conner observed what others had before them. Hanjour had trouble controlling and landing the aircraft. Afterward, Baxter interviewed Hanjour extensively about his flight training and experience, and also reviewed his flight log, which documented 600 hours of flight time. On this basis she and Conner declined to approve a current license rating until Hanjour returned for more training. On their recommendation, Freeway’s chief instructor Marcel Bernard refused to rent Hanjour a plane.[18] Notice, this was less than a month before 9/11. When I reached Bernard by phone he confirmed the details of the story by Newsday.[19] So did Ben Conner when I spoke with him.[20] Conner also emphasized that the issue was not simply Hanjour's poor English. It was everything, i.e., his general ineptitude.

Curiously, The 9/11 Commission Report acknowledges Hanjour’s poor English and sub-standard flying skills. The report even mentions that flight instructors had urged Hanjour to give up trying to become a pilot.[21] Strangely, however, another passage (in a footnote) describes Hanjour as “the [al Qaeda] operation’s most experienced pilot,” suggesting that the commission had a mixed opinion about Hanjour.[22] In the end the official investigation evidently interpreted Hanjour’s FAA license as sufficient proof that he had “persevered” in overcoming his issues.[23] The word “persevered” is straight out of the report.

But why did the commission ignore the multiple open-sourced accounts cited above, all mutually corroborative, indicating that Hanjour would have been lost in the cockpit of a Boeing 757 and was barely qualified to fly a single-engine Cessna? It is notable that The 9/11 Commission Report fails to mention the negative written evaluation by Hanjour’s Jet Tech flight instructor. The omission is serious because a glance at the timeline shows that Hanjour’s 5-6 weeks of training at Jet Tech occurred in February-March 2001, that is, after he had already earned his FAA license. Perseverance obviously was not enough. The instructor’s negative evaluation was based on Hanjour’s actual skill-set at the time, license or no license. Nor does the final report so much as mention Hanjour’s test flight at Freeway airport, or the fact that he failed it. These are telling omissions. Obviously, the commission screened out testimony that conflicted with the official narrative of what happened on that terrible day. But there is more to the story. As we are about to learn, the recently released 9/11 files have raised important new questions.

The Other Flight Instructor

It turns out that just three days after Hani Hanjour failed a flight evaluation in a Cessna 172 at Freeway airport he showed up at Congressional Air Charter, located down the road at Gaithersburg airport, also in the Washington suburbs. Once again Hanjour attempted to rent a plane, and again he was asked to go up with an instructor for a flight evaluation to confirm his flight skills. The plane was the same: a Cessna 172. Yet, on this occasion Hanjour passed with flying colors and, later, this other instructor gave testimony to the 9/11 Commission that turned out to be crucial. The final report mentions the instructor’s name only once in a brief endnote buried at the back of the report. The note states:

"Hanjour successfully conducted a challenging certification flight supervised by an instructor at Congressional Air Charter of Gaithersburg, Maryland, landing at a small airport with a difficult approach. The instructor thought Hanjour may have had training from a military pilot because he used a terrain recognition system for navigation. Eddie Shalev interview. (Apr. 9, 2004)" [24]

The note gives a name, Eddie Shalev, but no other information about him. Indeed, his identity remained a mystery until January 2009, when NARA released the 9/11 files.[25] Nonetheless, David Ray Griffin had already identified the key questions in his 2008 book The New Pearl Harbor Revisited. Wrote Griffin: “How could an instructor in Gaithersburg [i.e., Shalev] have had such a radically different view of Hanjour’s abilities from that of all of the other flight instructors who worked with him? Who was this instructor? How could this report be verified?”[26]

These are important questions because the two assessments of Hani Hanjour’s flight skills are so radically different that both cannot be correct. The evaluations, made just days apart, are contradictory, hence, mutually exclusive; which raises the disturbing possibility that someone could be lying.

The FBI File

Fortunately, another newly released document, the FBI file on Hani Hanjour, sheds additional light on the case.[27] The file includes a timeline and evidently was compiled to document the government’s case against Hanjour. I learned about it from a source on the commission, a staffer who insisted to me in an email that it authenticates Hani Hanjour’s flight training. At a glance it appears to do that. However, on closer examination the file is much less impressive and I have to wonder if the staffer actually studied it. As we will see, the document not only falls short of confirming Hanjour’s flight skills, it shows signs of having been “enhanced” to obscure the record.

Crucially, the FBI file includes not a scintilla of evidence that Hani Hanjour ever trained in a Boeing 757. Although Hanjour did some sessions a Boeing 737 simulator, as we have already seen, the press accounts, more importantly, his own instructor’s written evaluation, offer a clear and unambiguous assessment of his actual skills. It is also important to realize that even if Hanjour had mastered the controls of a Boeing 737, this would not have qualified him to execute a high-speed suicide crash in a Boeing 757, a significantly larger and less maneuverable aircraft. Such is the view of commercial pilots who fly these planes every day.[28]

One such pilot, Philip Marshall, who is licensed to fly Boeing 727s, 737s, 747s, as well as 757s and 767s, recently authored a book, False Flag 911, in which he states categorically that the alleged 9/11 hijacker pilots, including Hani Hanjour, could never have flown 767s and 757s into buildings at high speed without advanced training and practice flights in that same aircraft over a period of months. As Marshall put it: “Hitting a 90-foot target [i.e., the Pentagon] with a 757 at 500 mph is extremely difficult -- absolutely impossible for first-time fliers of a heavy airliner. It’s like seeing Tiger Woods hit a 300-yard one-iron and someone telling you he never practiced the shot.”[29] Marshall speculates that the hijackers may have received advanced flight lessons from Arabic-speaking instructors at a secret desert base somewhere in Arizona or Nevada, possibly arranged by complicit Saudi diplomats, or by members of the Saudi royal family.[30] This is why Hanjour’s inability to pass a test flight evaluation at Freeway airport just weeks before 9/11 is so significant: It tends to rule out Marshall’s theory of advanced instruction.

Close inspection of the FBI file also shows that someone padded the record to put the best face on Hanjour’s flight training. This was done in a curious way. Instead of simply informing us that Hanjour took courses “x,” “y” and “z” at such-and-such a flight school between certain dates, the FBI file gives an itemized record of every single day that Hanjour showed up for training at the various schools. The effect creates the appearance of more extensive instruction than actually occurred. Even so, the enhancement is transparently obvious. Imagine the reaction of a potential employer if you or I engaged in this dubious practice in a resume. On closer examination, another reason for padding the record is also obvious. Enhancement tends to obscure Hanjour’s tendency to jump around from school to school and his inability to finish anything he started.

The FBI file also conspicuously fails to mention the Jet Tech instructor’s written evaluation of Hani Hanjour’s flying skills. The omission easily qualifies as suppression of evidence because we know the FBI had the document in its possession. It was made public at the trial of Zacharias Moussaoui when the document was submitted as evidence. This means, of course that the 9/11 Commission also surely had it and similarly suppressed it. (See note #9.)

The FBI file also grossly mischaracterizes what happened at Freeway airport. The file mentions Hanjour’s visits but wrongly states that Hanjour received flight instruction. Not true. When I specifically asked Marcel Bernard about this he denied the fact and emphasized that Hanjour’s test flights included no lessons and were strictly for the purpose of evaluation.[31] The FBI should have known this because after 9/11 Bernard and his two flight instructors notified the FBI about Hanjour’s visit and were subsequently interviewed by FBI agents. The file also conspicuously fails to mention that Hanjour flunked his test flight evaluation! Whether through incompetence or deception, the FBI failed on every point to state the facts correctly

The FBI file does offer some fresh insight into Hani Hanjour the man. On August 2, 2001, according to the timeline, Hanjour showed up at the Virginia Division of Motor Vehicles (DMV) in Arlington, where he flunked a standard written test for a Virginia driver’s license. The fact is astonishing and ought to make us wonder how Hanjour ever managed to acquire his previous Arizona driver’s license issued in 1991 and his Florida license issued in 1996, let alone master the controls of a Boeing 757.

There is another interesting item. The record indicates that on September 5, 2001, just six days before 9/11, Hanjour showed up at the First Union National Bank in Laurel, Maryland where he made four failed bank transactions. The file cites bank records showing that Hanjour was unable to make balance inquiries and withdraw funds from his account because he failed to enter the correct pin number, which he evidently had forgotten! Two days later, Hanjour returned to the bank, this time accompanied by an unidentified male, and made another unsuccessful attempt to withdraw $4900.

It is astonishing the FBI file was ever touted as authenticating Hanjour’s flight credentials. The document falls short on that score and actually raises new questions. How likely is it that a man who was unable to remember his own pin number, and who just weeks before 9/11 flunked a simple test for a driver’s license, could have executed a top gun maneuver in a commercial airliner? The odds, I would submit, are approximately zero.

The FBI file includes one other curious entry. On August 20, 2001 Hanjour shopped at Travelocity.com for information about September 5, 2001 flights from Dulles International Airport to Los Angeles. This suggests that as of August 20 Hanjour did not yet know the date of the planned attack, either because he had not been briefed or because the date had not yet been selected. By the end of the month, however, the die was cast. On August 31 Hanjour and another “middle-eastern male” purchased one-way tickets for AA Flight 77 from a New Jersey travel agent. The date of departure: September 11, 2001. Yet, given Hanjour’s level of skill, one has to wonder what the waif from Taif believed was supposed to happen on that fateful morning.

So, Who is Eddie Shalev?

The record compiled by the FBI for the purpose of to authenticating Hani Hanjour‘s flight skills fails to provide convincing substantiation. Notice, for this reason it also fails to support the testimony of the other flight instructor, Eddie Shalev, who certified Hanjour to rent a Cessna 172 from Congressional Air Charters just three days after Marcel Bernard, the chief instructor at Freeway, refused to rent Hanjour the very same plane. The 9/11 Commission Report makes no mention of the incident at Freeway airport, nor does it discuss Eddie Shalev, other than alluding to Hanjour’s certification flight in a brief endnote. All of which is curious, since it now appears that Shalev’s testimony was crucial. By telling the commission what it was predisposed to hear, Shalev gave the official investigation an excuse to ignore the preponderance of evidence, which pointed to the unthinkable.

So, who is Eddie Shalev? His identity remained unknown for more than seven years, but was finally revealed in one of the files released in January 2009 by the National Archives. The document, labelled a “Memorandum for the Record,” is a summary of the April 2004 interview with Eddie Shalev conducted by commission staffer Quinn John Tamm.[32] The document confirms that Shalev went on record: “Mr Shalev stated that based on his observations Hanjour was a ‘good’ pilot.” It is noteworthy that Tamm also spoke with Freeway instructors Sheri Baxter and Ben Conner, as revealed by yet another recently-released document.[33] Although I was unable to reach Tamm or Baxter for comment, I did talk with Conner, who confirmed the conversation.[34] Conner says he fully expected to testify before the commission. Perhaps not surprisingly, the call never came.

But the shocker is the revelation that Eddie Shalev is an Israeli and served in the Israeli army. The file states that “Mr. Shalev served in the Israeli Defense Forces in a paratroop regiment. He was a jumpmaster on a Boeing C-130. Mr. Shalev moved to the Gaithersburg area in April 2001 and was sponsored for employment by Congressional Air Charters...[which] has subsequently gone out of business.”

The memorandum raises disturbing questions. Consider the staffer’s strange choice of words in describing Shalev’s employment. What did Quinn John Tamm mean when he wrote that Shalev “was sponsored for employment”? Did the commission bother to investigate Congressional Air Charters? It is curious that the charter service subsequently went out of business. But the most important question is: just how thoroughly, if at all, did the commission vet Eddie Shalev? Does his military record include service in the Israeli intelligence community?

Real people have known addresses. But Eddie Shalev’s whereabouts has been unknown for years. As reported by David Griffin, a 2007 search of the national telephone directory, plus Google searches by research librarian Elizabeth Woodworth, turned up no trace of him. A LexisNexis search by Matthew Everett also came up dry.[35] Not satisfied, I conducted my own search and did turn up two possible addresses for an "Eddy Shalev" in the Gaithersburg-Rockville, Maryland area. But the lead went nowhere. The phone number had been disconnected. The 9/11 memorandum indicates that Shalev’s US visa was about to expire in July 2004, suggesting that Shalev may have returned to Israel. Clearly, the man needs to be found, subpoenaed and made to testify under oath before a new investigation, even if this requires extradition. Quinn John Tamm and the two Freeway instructors, Sheri Baxter and Ben Conner, should also be subpoenaed. All are key witnesses and obvious starting points for a new investigation.

Given his identity, the search for and possible extradition of Eddie Shalev could become controversial. But 9/11 investigators must not be turned aside. We must follow the trail of evidence, regardless. Should it lead into a dark wood, we must resolve to go there; and if it takes us to the gates of hell, so be it. Truly, no force, certainly no political force, can withstand the power of truth. If and when our search obtains a certain critical mass, momentum will shift decisively in our favor. Public support for a new 9/11 investigation will become irresistible. The light of truth will do the rest.


Mark Gaffney is the author of The 9/11 Mystery Plane (2008). For more details check out Mark's web site www.the911mysteryplane.com Mark can be reached for comment at markhgaffney@earthlink.net

Notes:
1 Many of the documents have been posted at History Commons: http://www.scribd.com/people/documents/7104168 Also see http://www.archives.gov/research/9-11-commission/

2 Marc Fisher and Don Phillips, “On Flight 77: ‘Our Plane is Being Hijacked’,” Washington Post, September 12, 2001.

3 Amy Goldstein, Lena H. Sun and George Lardner Jr., "Hanjour an Unlikely Terrorist," The Cape Cod Times, October 21, 2001.

4 Ibid.

5 Ibid.
6 A copy of Hanjour’s FAA license is posted at http://www.scribd.com/doc/13120915/Airman-Records-for-Alleged-911-Hijacker-Hani-Hanjour

7 Kellie Lunney, “FAA contractors approved flight licenses for Sept. 11 suspect,” GovernmentExecutive.com, June 13, 2002.

8 “FAA Probed, Cleared Sept. 11 Hijacker in Early 2001,” FOX News, May 10, 2002.

9 Hani’s Jet Tech evaluation and other documentation were entered as evidence during the trial of Zacharias Moussaoui. Training Records, Hani Hanjour, B-737 Initial Ground Training, Class 01-3-021, Date: 2/8/01, Jet Tech International, posted at http://www.vaed.uscourts.gov/notablecases/moussaoui/exhibits/prosecution/PX00021.pdf
10 The 9/11 Commission Report, Final Report of the National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States, W.W. Norton & Co., New York, 2004, pp. 226-227.

11 “FAA Probed, Cleared Sept. 11 Hijacker in Early 2001,” FOX News, May 10, 2002.

12 Ibid.

13 Jim Yardley, “A Trainee Noted for Incompetence,” New York Times, May 4, 2002.

14 “Report: 9/11 Hijacker Bypassed FAA,” AP story, June 13, 2002.
15 The 9/11 Commission Report, p. 242.
16 http://911myths.com/images/2/2a/PENTTBOM_About_Hanjour.pdf
17 The 9/11 Commission Report, p. 242.

18 Thomas Frank, “Tracing Trail of Hijackers,” Newsday, September 23, 2001. This story was confirmed by one of the newly-released 9/11 files. See http://www.scribd.com/doc/15103091/Contents-of-John-Tamm-Memos-Folder-Memos-Notes-and-Withdrawal-Notices
19 Phone conversation with Marcel Bernard, June 26, 2009.
20 Phone conversation with Ben Conner, June 28, 2009.

21 The 9/11 Commission Report, pp. 226-227.
22 The 9/11 Commission Report, p. 530, note 147.
23 The 9/11 Commission Report, p. 227.
24 The 9/11 Commission Report, p. 531, note 170.
25 http://media.nara.gov/9-11/MFR/t-0148-911MFR-00551.pdf
26 David Ray Griffin, The New Pearl Harbor Revisited, Olive Branch Press, Northhampton, 2008, p.80.
27 http://911myths.com/images/2/2a/PENTTBOM_About_Hanjour.pdf
28 Numerous testimonials by commercial pilots, all of whom question the official story, can be found here: http://www.patriotsquestion911.com/pilots.html
29 Philip Marshall, False Flag 911, pilotsof911@AOL.com , 2008, pp. 6-7.
30 Ibid., pp. 34-37.
31 Phone conversation with Marcel Bernard, June 26, 2009.
32 http://media.nara.gov/9-11/MFR/t-0148-911MFR-00551.pdf
33 Memo from John Tamm to Dieter Snell, April 15, 2004. Posted at http://www.scribd.com/doc/15103091/Contents-of-John-Tamm-Memos-Folder-Memos-Notes-and-Withdrawal-Notices
34 Phone conversation with Ben Conner, June 28, 2009.
35 The New Pearl Harbor Revisited, p. 286, note 99.

=
by
Mark H. Gaffney
http://www.the911mysteryplane.com/