Monday, March 27, 2017

Nunes and Schiff unintentionally let the Trump cat out of the bag By The Wayne Madsen Report

Nunes and Schiff unintentionally let the Trump cat out of the bag

By The Wayne Madsen Report

Although journalists and those who believe in open government hate it, there is a reason why senior intelligence officials often reply "no comment" to questions surrounding intelligence matters. In the world of intelligence gathering, even the most innocuous comment can reveal information not intended for the ears of the general public. In the world of operational security, these minor tidbits of information are known as "essential elements of friendly information" or simply, EEFI.

In the partisan bickering that broke out on March 22 between House Intelligence Committee chairman Devin Nunes (R-CA) and the ranking member on the intelligence oversight committee, Adam Schiff (D-CA), both, likely unintentionally, revealed EEFI concerning the U.S. intelligence community's "incidental surveillance" of Donald Trump and his transition team between Election Day, November 8, and the inauguration on January 20.

During a March 22 briefing for reporters outside the White House after a controversial briefing for Trump and his advisers, Nunes revealed that "dozens" of intelligence reports he was given about the Trump "incidental surveillance" made "
no mention of Russia." Nunes said the information was brought to him by "sources who thought we should know it." Nunes said the interceptions of the Trump team were "legally collected" pursuant to a warrant issued by a Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court judge and involved "foreign" surveillance not involving Russia.
Nunes elaborated further in stating that normal, formal surveillance” provided to him yielded "significant information" about both Trump and his "team." But Nunes provided a caveat to that particular revelation, stating that details about Trump and his team had "little or no apparent foreign intelligence value" and  "were widely disseminated in intelligence community reporting" because their identities had been "unmasked" within the U.S. intelligence community during the transition phase. However, if the "formal" surveillance of Team Trump did not involve foreign intelligence, that means it must have involved a law enforcement matter and was authorized by a Title III "wiretap" order authorized by a normal federal court outside of the FISA aegis and carried out by the FBI and Justice Department's Electronic Surveillance Unit.

Nunes's EEFI offering provides the following points of interest:

- The incidental surveillance made no mention of Russia.
- The formal surveillance was of little or no intelligence value.
- The formal surveillance, while of no value to intelligence agencies, may have been of great interest to law enforcement, especially the FBI. Hence, FBI director James Comey's reticence to provide details concerning its investigation of the Trump transition team during his recent testimony before the House Intelligence Committee.
- If some of the surveillance information made no mention of Russia, perhaps it did mention other countries.

The definition of "team" is important since if it extended beyond the transition team to the campaign team, it would include Trump's former campaign manager Paul Manafort, national security adviser Michael Flynn, and foreign policy adviser Carter Page. It is now known that Manafort was contracted to the pro-Russian political party in Ukraine that was ousted in the 2014 U.S.-inspired coup while Page also had business dealings with the Russian government-owned energy firm Gazprom and Flynn's consulting company had Russian business connections.

Senator Ron Wyden (D-OR) said that Nunes's statement appeared to reveal "classified information." It, at the very least, revealed EEFI from which more sensitive intelligence can be derived.

Trump's problems may not be found with Russia but, ironically, south of the U.S. border, a border which the president is trying to seal with a great and "beautiful" wall.

The "incidental surveillance" of Trump and his associates, which was cited by Nunes and made no mention of Russia, may very well been a result of National Security Agency and its FIVE EYES partners' surveillance of a major fraud case involving billionaire former Panamanian President Ricardo Martinelli, who escaped an arrest warrant in Panama and is now living in Miami. Last September, at the height of the U.S. presidential campaign, Panamanian President 
Juan Carlos Varela requested the Obama administration's State and Justice Departments to extradite Martinelli.

Martinelli is wanted by Panama for embezzlement of funds, wiretapping his political and business enemies, insider stock trading, money laundering, and other crimes. So far, the Trump administration has taken no action on the Panamanian extradition request. Perhaps that is because in Panama, Trump is known as the "American Martinelli." Moreover, Martinelli is a close friend and business associate of Trump. Martinelli, exiled in Miami as a fugitive from justice and wanted by Panama, was invited to attend Trump's inauguration in Washington. Before he deleted it, Martinelli posted a photograph of his Inaugural invitation on Twitter. As president, Martinelli was on hand for the 2011 opening of Trump's first tower in Panama City, the Trump Ocean Club International Hotel and Tower. During the ceremony, Trump referred to Martinelli as his "friend."

The ties between Trump and Martinelli run even deeper. The bank in which Martinelli owns a significant stake, Global Bank Corporation, was a co-trustee of Trump's Ocean Club. When the Trump property developer, 
Newland International Properties Corporation, defaulted on its Global Bank loan in 2013, the Martinelli bank was forced to bail out Newland. The real estate scams surrounding the Trump Panama Hotel Management LLC, Trump Panama Condominium Management LLC -- both incorporated in Delaware -- Newland Properties, Trump Ocean Club Unit 2710 Inc., K Group -- which pays Trump Marks Panama $5 million per year for using the Trump brand name -- the Trump Organization, the Trump Ocean Club, and Global Bank are merely the tip of the iceberg surrounding the overall criminal accusations surrounding Trump's friend Martinelli.

Left: Trump [center] at ribbon cutting ceremony for Trump Ocean Club tower in Panama City in 2011. Now a wanted fugitive, President Ricardo Martinelli [right], as well as Donald Trump Jr. [left], join Trump. Right: Trump at White House meeting with Peruvian President Pedro Pablo Kuczynski 
on February 24, 2017. Martinelli and Kuczynski are subjects of major international criminal investigations. Were Trump and his associates caught up in FISA and Title III surveillance of the Odebrecht scandal and are they also involved?

Hundreds of thousands of documents were leaked from the Panama City law firm Mossack Fonseca, which incorporated thousands of offshore shell companies for the Central Intelligence Agency, narcotics syndicates, Arab oil sheikhs, and businessmen like Martinelli, Trump, and Trump's Argentine friend, President Mauricio Macri. It is known that Latin America's largest ever bribery scandal that involves the huge Brazilian building contractor 
Odebrecht SA, now laps at the shores of the Trump Organization via Martinelli.

In December 2016, during the presidential transition phase, the U.S. Justice Department announced a settlement with Odebrecht in which the firm and its affiliate Braskem agreed to pay a fine of $3.6 billion for violation of the U.S. Foreign Corrupt Practices Act. Most of the fine collected by Justice was to be turned over to Brazil, which began the investigation of Odebrecht with its 
"Lava Jato" (Car Wash) probe.

As part of its deal with DOJ, what information did Odebrecht's executives share with Justice Department prosecutors concerning its operations in Panama, especially those involving the Trump Tower and Martinelli? Any involvement of Trump with the Odebrecht and Mossack Fonseca criminal scandals would have prompted any U.S. judge on the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court or on the bench of a regular U.S. court district to authorize electronic surveillance of the Trump Organization. When Nunes stated the "incidental surveillance" of Trump and his associates did not involve Russia, was he actually implying it involved another country, perhaps Panama?

The political fallout from Odebrecht is beginning to stick to Trump. Odebrecht paid hundreds of millions of dollars in bribes to politicians in Brazil, 
Venezuela, Argentina, Colombia, Peru, Ecuador, Mexico, Chile, Guatemala,the Dominican Republic, Antigua and Barbuda, Angola, Mozambique, and other countries and some of these politicians are linked to Trump business enterprises. 
Argentina's Macri has been linked to the Odebrecht bribery scandal mainly through the connections to the firm of his cousin 
Angelo Calcaterra, Macri's Energy Minister Juan José Aranguren, and other officials of his government. With the help of business associates of Macri, a Trump Tower was built in Uruguay in 2012. Trump has been pressuring Macri and his friends to build the first Trump Tower in Buenos Aires and a Buenos Aires building permit for the deal was apparently the subject of a phone conversation between Trump and Macri after Trump's election in November.

However, not all has been well between the Trump and Macri families over the years. Franco Macri, the father of the Argentine president, 
believed the mastermind behind the kidnapping for ransom of Mauricio Macri in 1991 was none other than Donald Trump, who the elder Macri described as the "true intellectual author" of the crime. Perhaps that is why the right-wing Mauricio Macri openly endorsed Hillary Clinton for president in 2016.
In Peru, an arrest warrant has been issued for former President Alejandro Toledo who stands accused of receiving a $10 million bribe from Odebrecht for a highway contract. Toledo was on his way to Israel but is now in the United States. The current President of Peru, Pedro Pablo Kuczynski, was Toledo's finance minister. The Trump administration has not responded to Peruvian requests for Toledo's extradition from the U.S. and Kuczynski has been mired in allegations concerning his own connections with Odebrecht. Perhaps that was the reason why Kuczynski followed up a phone call with Trump with a personal visit to the White House in February. All Trump and Kuczynski spoke about during their joint remarks was Kuczynski receiving an award from Princeton University, Kuczynski's two daughters attending Princeton and Columbia, and Peru's decision to buy some U.S. military vehicles. If Kuczynski and Trump are subject to FISA and Title III wiretaps concerning Odebrecht, they may have found more than family to chat about. Kuczynski previously asked Trump to extradite his former boss Toledo to Peru. But with Kucynski now a target of the Odebrecht probe, he may have asked Trump to keep Toledo under wraps in the U.S. and not singing to a Peruvian court.

The U.S. Attorney's Office most likely to have been assigned the investigation of the Martinelli extradition request is the U.S. Attorney for the Southern District of Florida in Miami. This office has historically been occupied by right-wing prosecutors linked to Latin American right-wing leaders, many of which, like Martinelli, maintain residences in the Miami area. If Trump is looking at protecting those who could spill the beans on his and his Trump Organization's own ties to Odebrecht, what better way than to nominate a former U.S. Attorney for the Southern District of Florida to his cabinet. Trump nominated such a former U.S. Attorney, Alexander Acosta, to be his Secretary of Labor. Acosta was involved in negotiating as U.S. Attorney the sweetheart plea deal with convicted child molester and Trump billionaire friend Jeffrey Epstein. The deal immunized from future prosecution Epstein's VIP friends who were involved in his underage sex operations. 

As a former U.S. Attorney in Miami and former dean of Florida International University law school, Acosta has enough clout to help ward off any federal investigations emanating from the Miami U.S. Attorney's Office, which would include advocating for the extraditions of Martinelli and Toledo back to their home countries where they might start naming names, including that of Trump and his associates. Odebrecht, the company that built Miami International Airport, may also have dirt on southern Florida politicians, including members of the Republican Cuban-American political "mafia," which also includes Acosta. Odebrecht maintained a 
Division of Structured Operations, which was dubbed the "Department of Bribery" by U.S. Justice Department investigators. Were Trump and members of his business empire caught up in a legitimate DOJ investigation of Odebrecht, with ancillary intelligence being provided by the NSA and its Canadian counterpart, Communications Security Establishment Canada (CSEC), which conducts full-time surveillance of Latin American communications? If the answer is yes, and it appears to be so, that would explain Nunes and Schiff talking around the issue, which involves the collection of raw signals intelligence data on a massive number of foreign businesses and "U.S. persons."

Wednesday, March 22, 2017

In an era of fake news, fake security threats By The Wayne Madsen Report

In an era of fake news, fake security threats
By The Wayne Madsen Report

Fake air travel security threats have joined the current fake news fad. The U.S. Department of Homeland Security and Transportation Security Administration, as well as their British counterparts, have announced a ban on laptop computers, tablets, cameras, Kindles and other e-readers, DVD players, and game consoles in carry-on baggage on the flights of certain airlines originating from or destined to a series of predominantly Muslim nations. Passengers flying from or the designated airports are required to pack laptops and tablets in their check luggage. The decision has resulted in criticism from technical experts in the fields of communications, information technology, and improvised explosive devices or IEDs. Unlike the American ban, the British ban on carry-on items includes certain types of cell phones.

The British ban applies to Turkey, Lebanon, Jordan, Egypt, Tunisia, and Saudi Arabia. The U.S. ban applies to Egypt, Jordan, Kuwait, Morocco, Qatar, Turkey, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates. While the British include Tunisia and Lebanon on their list, the U.S. does not. On the other hand, while the U.S. list includes Morocco, Kuwait, Qatar, and the UAE on its list, the British do not. U.S.-flag carriers are not affected by the ban, which is unusual since the threats are said to be with the particular airports of departure and destination. American, United, and Delta, which all fly to some of the airports subject to the ban, remain free of the device ban in passenger cabins. Some air travel industry experts believe the Trump administration has imposed the ban as a method of giving the U.S. carriers an advantage over Emirates, Etihad, and Qatar, which all receive subsidies from the governments of Dubai, Abu Dhabi, and Qatar, respectively. Canada may initiate a similar ban in coming days.

The airports covered by the U.S. ban are Queen Alia International Airport in Amman; Cairo International Airport in Egypt; Ataturk International Airport in Istanbul; King Abdulaziz International Airport in Jeddah and King Khalid International Airport in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia; Kuwait International Airport; Mohammed V International Airport in Casablanca, Morocco; Hamad International Airport in Doha, Qatar; and Dubai International Airport and Abu Dhabi International Airport in the UAE. The British ban applies to Ataturk in Istanbul, Rafik Hariri International in Beirut, Lebanon; Queen Alia in Amman, Cairo International, Jeddah and Riyadh airports, and Tunis-Carthage International Airport in Tunis.

The ban does not apply to crew members and it exempts medical devices.

The ban was initiated as a result of some unspecified threats picked up by U.S. and British intelligence from the Middle East, particularly on alleged newer and stealthier explosive device capabilities developed by Ibrahim Hassan al-Asiri, the chief bomb-maker of Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP). Some intelligence sources claim the ban arose from the detonation of a laptop computer bomb aboard a Somali-flag carrier, Daallo Airlines. The plane managed to land safely and the only casualty was the terrorist. However, that explosion occurred over a year ago, in February 2016.

What makes no sense about the ban is that it assumes that a dedicated trained terrorist could not take advantage of on board WiFi networks to link from a smart phone to a WiFi- enabled component in a laptop or tablet contained in checked bags sitting practically below him or her in an aircraft's luggage compartment. An anonymous senior security official with an international travel organization was reported in the March 21 Washington Post as saying, "Why should I feel safer if the laptop is stowed in the belly of the plane and the perpetrator can use his iPhone to set it off? . . . I’m not personally privy to what the TSA or DHS has, but I just don’t get it."

WMR surveyed the airlines affected by the laptop/tablet ban and discovered which of them offer in-flight WiFi connectivity. Of the 15 air carriers covered by the U.S. and U.K. ban, nine offer in-flight WiFi connectivity.

Airline                                 WiFi Service                 
Turkish AirlinesYes
Royal JordanianYes
Etihad AirwaysYes
Qatar AirwaysYes
Royal Air MarocNo
Kuwait AirwaysYes
Saudi Arabian AirlinesYes
British AirwaysYes
Monarch AirlinesNo
Thomas CookNo

Tuesday, March 21, 2017

Presidential candidate insisted NSA and CIA spied on him By The Wayne Madsen Report

Presidential candidate insisted NSA and CIA spied on him
By The Wayne Madsen Report
A billionaire political outsider who ran for the presidency of the United States claimed that his investigation of deep ties of his opponents to international drug cartels resulted in his surveillance by the U.S. intelligence community. Responding to the charge by the presidential candidate, the man who had been director of the National Security Agency and deputy director of the Central Intelligence Agency said, "I am prepared to say that there is not a word of truth in this."

The CIA and its friends in the media labeled the presidential hopeful a conspiracy hound and ridiculed his notion that the U.S. political system was actually run by various hidden dark forces. If one thinks this is a description of the 2016 campaign and the presidential candidate making the charges about the CIA is Donald Trump, they would be wrong.

It was independent businessman H. Ross Perot in 1992 who incurred the wrath of former NSA director and CIA second-in-command Admiral Bobby Ray Inman and stood accused of dabbling in far-out conspiracies.

Perot believed that his efforts to uncover the existence of U.S. prisoners-of-war and missing-in-action servicemen in Laos were stymied by the former CIA director George H. W. Bush, who just so happened to be running for re-election in 1992. Perot claimed that after the Indochina War ended in 1975, Bush, then the CIA director, transferred all responsibility for U.S. POWs/MIAs from the CIA to the Defense Intelligence Agency. Perot believed that Bush wanted the CIA's fingerprints off the POW/MIA issue because it had been involved in the heroin trafficking business in Laos. Perot believed that the reports of possibly over a hundred U.S. MIAs being seen in Laos were ignored because Langley and Bush wanted the secrets possessed by the CIA about the missing U.S. servicemen to remain buried, along with the CIA's secret war in Laos that involved the Royal Laotian Army, Hmong tribesmen, and heroin smuggling.

Perot cited the activities of two CIA fronts, Nugan Hand Bank in Australia and a Hawaii-based company, Bishop, Baldwin, Rewald, Dillingham & Wong (BBRDW), in laundering the proceeds of the CIA's Southeast Asian drug-running operations. Moreover, Perot said the CIA proprietary airline, Air America, was involved in transporting heroin out of Southeast Asia. The CIA issued denials all-around about the bank, the Hawaii company, and Air America. Perot claimed that Joint Chiefs of Staff Chairman General Colin Powell and his close friend, Richard Armitage, whose nomination for Secretary of the Army in 1989 was scuttled as a result of pressure from Perot, were involved with BBRDW and the POW/MIA cover-up.
How soon we forget: U.S. Intelligence was accused of spying on Perot in 1992.

Senators John McCain and John Kerry led the charge to keep the POW/MIA-Laos issue secret. Both would later receive the presidential nominations of their respective parties. Perot alleged that a CIA agent was hired by the Bush campaign to hack into Perot's computerized stock trading program, preventing the third party candidate from gaining access to funds for campaign. The incident is similar to the Jeb Bush campaign hiring former British MI-6 agent Christopher Steele to develop a "dirty dossier" on  Donald Trump during the 2016 campaign. There is a distinct possibility that the NSA covertly asked its signals intelligence partners in Britain, Australia, and Canada, on George H. W. Bush's orders, to conduct electronic surveillance of Perot in 1992.

There was evidence that the CIA and NSA spied on a presidential candidate -- in 1992 -- with the target being H. Ross Perot.

Monday, February 27, 2017

A "CIA within the CIA" battles against Trump By Wayne Madsen Report

 A "CIA within the CIA" battles against Trump  By Wayne Madsen Report
Even before he was inaugurated on January 20, President Trump faced a virtual "CIA within the CIA" that is bound and determined to derail his intelligence and foreign policy agendas. Past presidents have faced opposition from the Central Intelligence Agency -- John F. Kennedy, Richard Nixon, and Jimmy Carter are prime examples -- but the opposition was sub rosa and not out in the open as it is today.

A number of former CIA officers have taken to CNN and MS-NBC to voice their opinions that Trump is a threat to U.S. national security. In addition to venting their own spleens about Trump, they are publicly airing the views of hundreds of their former colleagues currently serving within the CIA. 

The conventional punditry in Washington is stressing, without evidence, that Trump's presidential campaign was helped by "Russian intelligence officials." A dodgy British memorandum, created by a former MI-6 spook named Christopher Steele, and embellished by the Jeb Bush campaign, which hired him to dig up dirt on Trump, is being used as "proof" of Russian interfered in the U.S. election. However, what is being overlooked is that "Russian intelligence" may be a substitute for "Russian-Israeli mafia." The Russian-Israeli oligarchs, many of whom are exiled in Britain, Switzerland, and Israel, have no love for Trump and his previous pro-Russian views. 

It recently emerged that Ukrainian parliament member Andrey Artemenko met in January with Trump's personal lawyer, Michael Cohen, to deliver a proposal that would have "leased" Crimea to Russia for 100 years in exchange for a pullout of Russian troops in eastern Ukraine. The "peace plan" appears to have been a red herring since there is no documented evidence of regular Russian troops in eastern Ukraine. Artemenko is a shady figure who has been involved with the scandal-plagued Federation of International Football Association (FIFA) and who is a member of the party of the corrupt former Ukrainian prime minister Yulia Tymoshenko. 

It was Tymoshenko's criminal conviction and imprisonment by the government of president Viktor Yanukovych that helped propel the "Euromaidan" revolution and coup that drove Yanukovych into exile in Russia. Artemenko is also close to the former Ukrainian boxer Vitali Klitschko, the current mayor of Kiev, who recently attended the Munich Security Conference along with Vice President Mike Pence, Defense Secretary James Mattis, and such anti-Russian U.S. delegates as Senators John McCain, Lindsey Graham, neocon Robert Kagan, and Kagan's wife Victoria Nuland, the chief architect of the Euromaidan revolution. At Munich, where the CIA was working overtime to cultivate new relationships and reinforce older ones, the plotters of neo-Cold War intrigue in Ukraine were all present. The CIA would have known about Klitschko's ties to Artemenko and Artemenko's meeting on the Ukraine peace deal with Trump's lawyer Cohen.

Trump, who has surrounded himself with shady characters like Stephen Bannon, Stephen Miller, and Hungarian-American fascist Sebastian Gorka, may not be a "puppet" of Russian President Vladimir Putin, as alleged by detractors. Instead, Trump appears to be an unwitting stooge of the Russian-Israeli mafia that wants a green light to depose Putin and replace him with one of their own, someone, for example, like Mikhail Khodorkovsky. 

Khodorkovsky, now in exile, is leading the Russian-Israeli oligarchs in their attempt to undermine Putin. International hedge fund tycoon George Soros was also in Munich, rubbing shoulders with Klitschko and his own puppet, Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko. The intrigue on display in Munich may be complicated, but the end result may be a two-for-one deal for the Russian-Israeli gangsters: the overthrow of Putin and the impeachment of Trump. The result would be a Russian president who would complete the privatization of Russian industry and infrastructure to benefit the exiled mafia oligarchs and a committed "Christian Zionist," Pence, in the Oval Office.

Klitschko [left], a colleague of Artemenko, and Ukrainian President Poroshenko [right] in Munich rubbing shoulders with anti-Trump and anti-Russian U.S. politicians, as well as VP Pence and SecDef Mattis. Is the Ukrainian "peace deal" a red herring by Kiev and the Russian-Israeli oligarchs, working with a "CIA within the CIA" to sink Trump? 

As delegates were packing up to leave Munich, there was another interesting development in nearby Vienna. An Austrian appeals court approved the extradition to the United States of Ukrainian oligarch Dmytro Firtash to the where he faces corruption charges. After the Euromaidan coup in 2014, Firtash was arrested by Austrian police on an FBI warrant. Firtash was a close political ally of Yanukovych. Trump's former campaign manager Paul Manafort was a business partner of Firtash. In 2008, Manafort and Firtash were part of a business team that sought to buy Manhattan's Drake Hotel and demolish it to make way for a new skyscraper called the Bulgari Tower, a deal that may have involved the Trump Organization. The Drake deal involved another Trump adviser, Richard Gates. While she was prime minister, Tymoshenko sued Firtash over the Drake deal. Now, an ally of Tymoshenko, Artemenko, has his fingerprints on a Ukrainian peace plan shopped to Trump's lawyer Cohen. 

Also in Munich with Pence, Mattis, Kagan, and Nuland was Ukrainian oligarch Viktor Pinchuk, who gave the Trump Foundation $150,000 for a Trump video speech to Pinchuk's Yalta European Strategy (YES) annual meeting in Ukraine in 2015. Pinchuk, a friend of John McCain, is close to both Poroshenko and Soros and a vocal opponent of Putin.

No one is clean in these machinations but they could very well serve as a basis to impeach Trump under the emolument clause of the U.S. Constitution, which makes any personal profit by the president based on foreign links an impeachable offense.

There are forces within the CIA -- the "CIA within the CIA" -- that want a return to the days of Boris Yeltsin, when everything and everyone in Russia was for sale and Russia gladly followed the diktats from the World Bank and International Monetary Fund. Two things stand in their way, Putin and the Putin-admiring Trump, the latter not seeming to want to "get with the program" of returning to the status quo ante in U.S.-Russian relations.
In the 1975 cinematic thriller "Three Days of the Condor," Robert Redford, who plays Joe Turner and whose CIA codename is "Condor," works at a CIA front operation in Manhattan’s Upper East Side called the "American Literary Historical Society – ALHS." Condor returns from running a lunch errand to find that all his colleagues have been shot to death. The plot centers around a "CIA within the CIA." The producers of the film, which was based on a 1974 novel by James Grady titled "Six Days of the Condor," must have had an inkling about a "CIA within the CIA." 

In "Three Days of the Condor," a CIA front in Manhattan is wiped out by a "CIA Within the CIA." There is more fact than fiction in the 1975 cinematic thriller.
In 1975, the concept of a "CIA within the CIA" prompted Emily Sheketoff, a House Select Committee on Intelligence staffer who was investigating the CIA, to inquire about a "CIA within the CIA," from Robert Gambino, the chief of security for the CIA. It was Gambino who briefed Jeb Bush on his non-official cover assignment in Venezuela, prior to the ex-CIA director's son's departure in 1977 for Caracas to head up the Texas Commerce Bank's operations in the country. Gambino scoffed at the notion of a "CIA within the CIA" in an October 30, 1975 memo. Based on Gambino's ties with ex-director Bush while Jimmy Carter's director, Admiral Stansfield Turner, was in charge of the CIA, Gambino serves as "exhibit number one" when it comes to the "CIA within the CIA." In fact, Sheketoff flat out stated to Gambino that she believed the CIA's Office of Security was then the major component of the hidden CIA.
An intelligence game is now being played out by Langley and it involves unsavory mafiosi in Ukraine, London, and Langley, Virginia. In essence, a "CIA within the CIA" is attempting to stage a "soft coup" in the United States and they have a number of willing accomplices in the media and within Mr. Trump's own inner circle.

Friday, February 24, 2017

The Trump Club: "you ain't in it." By The Wayne Madsen Report

The Trump Club: "you ain't in it."
By The Wayne Madsen Report
If Donald Trump’s most avid anti-globalist supporters believe that their president is "draining the swamp" of their bitterest of foes, they might be surprised that recently, Vice President Mike Pence and Defense Secretary James "Mad Dog" Mattis were in the company at the annual Munich Security Conference of Lady Lynn Forester de Rothschild, Trilateral Commission deputy chairman Michael Fuchs, and global political troublemaker George Soros.

As the late comedian and American philosopher George Carlin once said, "It's a big club and you ain't in it."

And, speaking of clubs, Trump is tapping members of his exclusive Mar-a-Lago club in Palm Beach, Florida, where the initiation fee is $200,000, to serve as American ambassadors abroad. These include Robin Bernstein to the Dominican Republic, Patrick Park to Austria, and Brian Burns to Ireland. All were big donors to the Trump presidential campaign.

Trump has "drained the swamp" by giving an award to one of the chief architects of the financing and arming of the Islamic State. Central Intelligence Agency director Mike Pompeo's second visit abroad was to Saudi Arabia, where he presented the CIA's George Tenet medal to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Nayef. It has been Nayef who has backed radical Islamist groups in the Syrian and Yemeni civil wars. Prior to stopping in Riyadh, Pompeo visited Turkey, where he lauded the government of that growing Islamist dictatorship and its leader Recep Tayyip Erdogan. It was the Erdogan fmaily that personally benefited from the Islamic State's sale of Iraqi and Syrian oil on the international spot market. Turkish nepotism and illegal international deals must have come as music to the ears of Trump who fancies such notions for himself and his family.

At the Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC), Steve Bannon, Trump's chief strategist, told the crowd of old school conservatives and extreme alt-right faithful that the Trump White House is striving for the 
"deconstruction of the administrative state." That must have come as welcome news to the globalist bankers who have ordered similar "administrative state" deconstruction as part of draconian austerity measures in Greece, Spain, Argentina, Brazil, Portugal, Italy, and other countries.

Bannon's "deconstruction" is already being felt in Trump's federal worker hiring freeze, which has closed day care centers at U.S. military bases abroad and delayed medical treatment at veteran's hospitals. That is only the tip of the iceberg, as Bannon and his fellow ex-Goldman Sachs colleagues, including Treasury Secretary Steve Mnuchin, senior White House adviser 
Anthony Scaramucci, White House economic counselor Dina Habib Powell, National Economic Council Chairman Gary Cohn, and Securities and Exchange Commission chairman-nominee Jay Clayton draw their knives on Social Security, Medicare, Medicaid, veterans' care, and other social safety net programs.

Trump's team consisting of ex-Goldman Sachs executives and other Wall Street denizens will enjoy the next four years of being in their comfortable elements: 
Bilderberg, Davos, Bohemian Grove, Cernobbio, the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) conference, and other "big club" venues. And, as Carlin said about the big club, "you ain't in it."