Saturday, July 25, 2009

An American Hell - Facing the American World We Created

Don't Turn the Page on History

Facing the American World We Created
By Tom Engelhardt

We've just passed through the CIA assassination flap, already fading from the news after less than two weeks of media attention. Broken in several major newspapers, here's how the story goes: the Agency, evidently under Vice President Dick Cheney's orders, didn't inform Congress that, to assassinate al-Qaeda leaders, it was trying to develop and deploy global death squads. (Of course, just about no one is going to call them that, but the description fits.) Congress is now in high dudgeon. The CIA didn't keep that body's "Gang of Eight" informed. A House investigation is now underway.

We're told that the CIA -- being the president's private army and part of the executive branch of our government -- has committed a heinous dereliction of duty. In fact, not keeping key congressional figures up to date on the developing program could even "be illegal," according to Senate Majority Whip Richard Durbin. (Not that Congress, when informed of Bush administration extreme acts, ever did much of anything anyway.)

This story, however, has a largely unexplored strangeness to it that has only been discussed on the fringes of the mainstream media (or in the press of other countries). After all, during the eight years this CIA assassination program was supposedly in formation, U.S. military special ops death squads were, as far as we can tell, freely roaming the planet conducting (or botching) assassination missions, and the CIA's own robot assassins, airborne death squads, were also launching operations -- sometimes wiping out innocent civilians -- from Yemen and Somalia to Pakistan. They continue to run such operations in the skies over the Pakistani tribal borderlands near Afghanistan. So we still await an explanation of just why the CIA spent close to eight years, under Vice Presidential oversight, getting its death squads almost operational, but never -- we're told -- off the ground.

If there seems to be something odd about this latest flap, if there's much that we don't know yet, we do, at least, know one thing: This particular small splash from the previous administration's deep dive into crime and folly will have its brief time in the media sun and then be swallowed up by oblivion, just as each of the previous flaps has been.

After all, can you honestly tell me that you think often about the CIA torture flap, the CIA-destruction-of-interrogation-video-tapes flap, the what-did-Congress/Nancy Pelosi-really-know-about-torture-methods flap, the Bush-administration-officials-(like-Condi-Rice)-signed-off-on-torture-methods-in-2002-even-before-the-Justice-Department-justified-them flap, the National-Security-Agency-(it-was-far-more-widespread-than-anyone-imagined)-electronic-surveillance flap, the should-the-NSA's-telecom-spies-be-investigated-and-prosecuted-for-engaging-in-illegal-warrantless-wiretapping flap, the should-CIA-torturers-be-investigated-and-prosecuted-for-using-enhanced-interrogation-techniques flap, the Abu-Ghraib-photos-(round-two)-suppression flap, or various versions of the can-they-close-Guantanamo, will-they-keep-detainees-in-prison-forever flaps, among others that have already disappeared into my own personal oblivion file? Every flap its day, evidently. Each flap another problem (again we're told) for a president with an ambitious program who is eager to "look forward, not backward."

Of course, he's not alone. Given the last eight years of disaster piled on catastrophe, who in our American world would want to look backward? The urge to turn the page in this country is palpable, but -- just for a moment -- let's not.

Admittedly, we're a people who don't really believe in history -- so messy, so discomforting, so old. Even the recent past is regularly wiped away as the media plunge us repeatedly into various overblown crises of the moment, a 24/7 cornucopia of news, non-news, rumor, punditry, gossip, and plain old blabbing, of which each of these flaps has been but a tiny example. In turn, any sense of the larger picture surrounding each one of them is, soon enough, lessened by a media focus on a fairly limited set of questions: Was Congress adequately informed? Should the president have suppressed those photos?

The flaps, in other words, never add up to a single Imax Flap-o-rama of a spectacle. We seldom see the full scope of the legacy that we -- not just the Obama administration -- have inherited. Though we all know that terrible things happened in recent years, the fact is that, these days, they are seldom to be found in a single place, no less the same paragraph. Connecting the dots, or even simply putting everything in the same vicinity, just hasn't been part of the definitional role of the media in our era. So let me give it a little shot.

As a start, remind me: What didn't we do? Let's review for a moment.

In the name of everything reasonable, and in the face of acts of evil by terrible people, we tortured wantonly and profligately, and some of these torture techniques -- known to the previous administration and most of the media as "enhanced interrogation techniques" -- were actually demonstrated to an array of top officials, including the national security adviser, the attorney general, and the secretary of state, within the White House. We imprisoned secretly at "black sites" offshore and beyond the reach of the American legal system, holding prisoners without hope of trial or, often, release; we disappeared people; we murdered prisoners; we committed strange acts of extreme abuse and humiliation; we kidnapped terror suspects off the global streets and turned some of them over to some of the worst people who ran the worst dungeons and torture chambers on the planet. Unknown, but not insignificant numbers of those kidnapped, abused, tortured, imprisoned, and/or murdered were actually innocent of any crimes against us. We invaded without pretext, based on a series of lies and the manipulation of Congress and the public. We occupied two countries with no clear intent to depart and built major networks of military bases in both. Our soldiers gunned down unknown numbers of civilians at checkpoints and, in each country, arrested thousands of people, some again innocent of any acts against us, imprisoning them often without trial or sometimes hope of release. Our Air Force repeatedly wiped out wedding parties and funerals in its global war on terror. It killed civilians in significant numbers. In the process of prosecuting two major invasions, wars, and occupations, hundreds of thousands of Iraqis and Afghans have died. In Iraq, we touched off a sectarian struggle of epic proportions that involved the "cleansing" of whole communities and major parts of cities, while unleashing a humanitarian crisis of remarkable size, involving the uprooting of more than four million people who fled into exile or became internal refugees. In these same years, our Special Forces operatives and our drone aircraft carried out -- and still carry out -- assassinations globally, acting as judge, jury, and executioner, sometimes of innocent civilians. We spied on, and electronically eavesdropped on, our own citizenry and much of the rest of the world, on a massive scale whose dimensions we may not yet faintly know. We pretzled the English language, creating an Orwellian terminology that, among other things, essentially defined "torture" out of existence (or, at the very least, left its definitional status to the torturer).

And don't think that that's anything like a full list. Not by a long shot. It's only what comes to my mind on a first pass through the subject. In addition, even if I could remember everything done in these years, it would represent only what has been made public. Former Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld was regularly mocked for saying: "There are known knowns. These are things we know that we know. There are known unknowns. That is to say, there are things that we know we don't know. But there are also unknown unknowns. There are things we don't know we don't know."

Actually, he had a point seldom thought about these days. By definition, we know a good deal about the known knowns, and we have a sense of an even darker world of known unknowns. We have no idea, however, what's missing from a list like the one above, because so much may indeed remain in the unknown-unknowns category or, as with the latest CIA assassination story, a known curiosity whose full shape and depths remain to be grasped. If, however, you think that everything done by Washington or the U.S. military or the CIA in these last years has already been leaked, think again. It's a reasonable bet that the unknown unknowns the Obama administration inherited would curl your toes.

Nonetheless, what is already known, when thought about in one place, rather than divided up into separate flaps and argued about separately, is horrific enough. War may be hell, as people often say when trying to excuse what we did in these years, but it should be remembered that, in response to the attacks of 9/11, we, as a nation, were the ones who declared "war," made it a near eternal struggle (the Global War on Terror), and did so much to turn parts of the world into our own private hell. Geopolitics, energy politics, vanity, greed, fear, a misreading of the nature of power in the world, delusions of military and technological omnipotence and omniscience, and so much more drove us along the way.

Perhaps the greatest fantasy of the present moment is that there is a choice here. We can look forward or backward, turn the page on history or not. Don't believe it. History matters.

Whatever the Obama administration may want to do, or think should be done, if we don't face the record we created, if we only look forward, if we only round up the usual suspects, if we try to turn that page in history and put a paperweight atop it, we will be haunted by the Bush years until hell freezes over. This was, of course, the lesson -- the only one no one ever bothers to call a lesson -- of the Vietnam years. Because we were so unwilling to confront what we actually did in Vietnam -- and Laos and Cambodia -- because we turned the page on it so quickly and never dared take a real look back, we never, in the phrase of George H.W. Bush, "kicked the Vietnam syndrome." It still haunts us.

However busy we may be, whatever tasks await us here in this country -- and they remain monstrously large -- we do need to make an honest, clear-headed assessment of what we did (and, in some cases, continue to do), of the horrors we committed in the name of... well, of us and our "safety." We need to face who we've been and just how badly we've acted, if we care to become something better.

Now, read that list again, my list of just the known knowns, and ask yourself: Aren't we the people your mother warned you about?

Tom Engelhardt, co-founder of the American Empire Project, runs the Nation Institute's He is the author of The End of Victory Culture, a history of the Cold War and beyond, as well as of a novel, The Last Days of Publishing. He also edited The World According to TomDispatch: America in the New Age of Empire (Verso, 2008), an alternative history of the mad Bush years.

Wednesday, July 22, 2009

DC Madam had CIA ties

DC Madam had CIA ties

WMR has learned from a source who was involved in the sex escort business at the same time the late "DC Madam" Deborah Jeane Palfrey was operating her Pamela Martin & Associates escort agency that Palfrey had a relationship with the CIA dating back from the time she was released from prison in 1993. Palfrey was arrested in 1990 for "pimping, pandering, and extortion" after being arrested for running an escort service in San Diego, California. She attempted to flee to Canada but was arrested at the Montana border and was convicted of the criminal charges and sentenced to 18 months in prison.

Palfrey, according to WMR's well-placed source, cut a deal for an early release from jail with the CIA, specifically San Diego native Kyle "Dusty" Foggo, a longtime CIA "logistics officer" who spent a number of years in Germany and Austria. WMR has learned that among Foggo's logistics duties was running a CIA escort ring internationally and domestically that ensnared politicians and businessmen for purposes of later blackmail. Foggo's deal with Palfrey was for her to start up another escort service, Pamela Martin & Associates, after her release from prison. The quid pro quo was that Pamela Martin would carry out assignments from the CIA and, specifically, Foggo. During his CIA career, Foggo, was also assigned to Honduras where he worked under U.S. ambassador John Negroponte.

Palfrey's escort service operated from 1993 to 2006 without one arrest of either her or any of her "employees," all well-educated professional women, which included a psychologist, a U.S. naval officer, and a legal secretary for the powerful Washington, DC firm Akin, Gump, Strauss, Hauer and Feld.

Palfrey was indicted on March 1, 2007 on running a prostitution ring, as well as other charges. The indictment stated that employed more than 100 women between 1993 and 2006 "for the purpose of engaging in prostitution activity with male clients, including sexual intercourse and oral sex in exchange for money."

Interestingly, federal agents never seized Palfrey's phone records from her escort business from her Vallejo, California home. When the government realized its error, it succeed in having US District Court for Washington, DC judge Gladys Kessler issue two temporary restraining orders prohibiting the release of the records to the public. Kessler finally lifted her restraining order and expressed bewilderment why Bush-appointed federal prosecutors in Washington, DC were so intent on prosecuting Palfrey while letting her clients off the hook for engaging in what the government claimed was an illegal act -- prostitution.

The reason was simple. A number of powerful politicians and government officials were among Palfrey's clients. Those publicly identified included Senator David Vitter (R-LA); Assistant Secretary of State for Foreign Assistance and U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) administrator Randall Tobias (also a former chairman/CEO of AT&T International and Eli Lilly); Harlan K. Ullman, a Defense Department consultant, friend of Dick Cheney, and author of the "Shock and Awe" military doctrine; Democrat-turned-Republican political consultant Dick Morris; and Ronald Roughead, a retired Marine Colonel, SAIC Project Manager and brother of Admiral Gary Roughead, the Chief of Naval Operations.

WMR also reported that Cheney was a "client" of Pamela Martin escorts while he was the President and CEO of Halliburton. However, we have learned more. In 1993, after the U.S. assault on the Branch Davidian compound in Waco, Foggo, Cheney, and Karl Rove set up an office in Dallas to handle the sexual blackmail of law enforcement officials who were sent to Waco to investigate the government attack but who may have felt compelled to become "whistleblowers" later. The CIA's interest was to prevent any revelations about the agency's involvement in the siege of and assault on the religious compound. Escorts from Palfrey's operation, as well as one operating out of Houston were used for the operation against the law enforcement officials.

In time, Foggo became the unofficial CIA chief of the agency's sexual blackmail operations. Rove used the service to bring to heel wayward politicians to ensure their loyalty to the Republican Party and, eventually, the Bush-Cheney administration.

A few weeks before Palfrey was indicted, her friend and "boss" Foggo was indicted on February 13, 2007, for fraud, as well as bribery in connection with the bribery conviction of San Diego Republican U.S. Representative Randy "Duke" Cunningham. But the cases against Foggo and Palfrey may have eventually included others, but U.S. Attorney for Southern California, Carol Lam, was apparently getting close to the Rove-Cheney sexual blackmail operation that also involved Foggo and the employees of Pamela Martin & Associates. Lam was on the target list for being fired by the Bush White House and the Justice Department under Attorney General Alberto Gonzales. Just two days after Lam successfully brought an indictment against Foggo and his friend and GOP lobbyist, ADCS (Automated Document Conversion Systems) owner Brent Wilkes was indicted for bribery in the Cunningham case, she abruptly tendered her resignation as U.S. Attorney. Wilkes had procured Pamela Martin escorts for "poker parties" at the Watergate Hotel and Westin Grand in Washington, DC. Allegedly in attendance at the parties were Cunningham, Goss, and Foggo.

On May 11, 2006, Kyle Sampson, Gonzales's chief of staff and counsel, e-mailed White House counsel William Kelley on "the real problem we have right now with Carol Lam." On May 12, 2006, FBI agents seized documents from Foggo's CIA office, where he served as Executive Director under CIA director Porter Goss, and his Vienna, Virginia home. Goss appointed Foggo Executive Director, the number three position at the CIA, to the surprise of many seasoned CIA professionals. At that point in time, federal prosecutors still did not have enough evidence to bring an indictment against Palfrey. On May 5, 2006, Porter Goss resigned as CIA director. Reports at the time say he had clashed with Director of National Intelligence John Negroponte. However, Goss and Negroponte had one tihing in common: they were both close to Foggo.

Foggo's background was logistics, not standard clandestine services. However, it is now known that Foggo's "logistics" services were the ultimate in clandestine operations: sexpionage and blackmail. Jim Olson, a former CIA station chief, was quoted in The Washington Post as saying Foggo "failed to report a number of his contacts with foreign national women." It has also been reported that Foggo frequented bars in Tegucigalpa, Honduras known as hangouts for prostitutes while he worked for Negroponte in the 1980s.

It now appears that Foggo's failure to report such contacts was part of his highly-classified sexpionage functions. WMR has learned that Foggo had offices in Vienna, Austria and Bangkok that coordinated the activities of CIA prostitute employees. However, WMR has also learned that more than one "madam" complained that Foggo was using American escorts to transport illegal drugs as "CIA mules."

On October 25, 2007, WMR's report was as follows: "WMR has previously reported that Pamela Martin & Associates (PMA) phone records showed phone calls from Poway, California, a suburb of San Diego, and the headquarters of ADCS, Wilkes' firm. On July 9, 2007, WMR reported: 'There are several calls between PMA and a Poway cell phone number in January 2006, just three months before the Shirlington Limousine-Wilkes-Wade-Cunningham story hit the newspapers. Palfrey maintained a residence in Escondido, also the home town of Cunningham, during this time frame. Palfrey does recall that someone using the first name of 'Brett' or 'Brent' did phone the agency on occasion from the San Diego area.'"Based on more recent information, it now appears that the calls from Poway were from Brent Wilkes, Foggo's friend and indicted co-conspirator.

WMR has also recently learned from another escort business source that the "poker parties" at the Watergate and Westin Grand entailed the guests viewing secretly taped videos of people set up in sex stings. The guests viewed the videos while playing poker. Some of the sting "victims" in the secret videos reportedly included Republican politicians, foreign diplomats, and Bush administration officials.

WMR provided details of the poker parties and limousine service that ferried escorts to the affairs on March 19, 2008:

Weeks prior to the beginning of the trial in Washington, DC of accused "Washington Madam" Deborah Jeane Palfrey, WMR has learned of a critical link between Palfrey's former Pamela Martin & Associates (PMA) escort form and Shirlington Limousine and Transportation Service of Virginia, the GOP-connected limousine service that not only received $21 million in contracts from the Department of Homeland Security but was connected to the "poker parties" at the Watergate and and the Westin Grand Hotel hotel involving CIA director Porter Goss, CIA Executive Director "Dusty" Foggo, House Intelligence Committee staffer Brant "Nine Fingers" Bassett, and California Representative "Duke" Cunningham were reportedly in attendance.

Palfrey contends that she and her escort service were singled out for selective prosecution because of the connections between her employees and top Republican officials. Her trial begins at the US District Court in Washington, DC on April 7.

The revelations about the PMA connections arise from a phone call made to Harper's magazine on May 9, 2007, just as the Pamela Martin story and its links to top Republicans were hitting the main stream media, particularly an ABC 20/20 report on the firm's top Bush administration clients. WMR has learned that a one-time escort for PMA phoned the magazine with a story about her experience in being ferried around Washington for encounters with important clients by Shirlington Limousine. Apparently, the phone call from the escort was taken by a Harper's intern who subsequently "lost" her number requiring the magazine to publish the following appeal:


Missed Connection

DEPARTMENTWashington Babylon
BYKen Silverstein
PUBLISHEDMay 9, 2007

A very important phone call regarding Shirlington Limousine came through the Harper’s offices today, and unfortunately the person who called was not provided with my phone number. Could that person please contact Harper’s again–(212) 420 5740–and ask for Paul Ford, who will provide, in strictest confidence, all the information she needs in order to contact me.

The escort reportedly never re-established contact. [WMR extends an invitation to the aforementioned individual or any other escort of PMA to contact us at Strict confidentiality is assured from this end].

On July 9, 2007, WMR reported on the nexus between PMA and firms associated with the Cunningham and GOP lobbyist scandal:

"An examination of the phone records of PMA from the mid 1990s to about 1997 reveals that calls were placed by the agency mostly to land line phones at offices, homes, and hotels. Calls were also placed by PMA to the escorts, who were independent contractors for the firm. Towards the end of the 1990s and the new decade, more cell phones were used to make calls and landline use drastically tapered off.

As cell phone numbers became more portable, the records from 2001 to 2006 show a number of non-Washington area cell phone numbers increasingly used to phone PMA from the Washington DC area, particularly numbers from Georgia (Atlanta), Texas (San Antonio), West Virginia, North Carolina (Raleigh), South Carolina (Columbia), Illinois, Florida (West Palm Beach), and California (La Jolla and Poway).

Poway, just north of San Diego, was the headquarters of ADCS, Inc. and its subsidiaries. ADCS was the company headed by Brent Wilkes, a key GOP figure involved in the scandal that sent San Diego Republican Congressman Randy 'Duke' Cunningham to prison for various felonies, including bribery. Cunningham was also linked to the use of prostitutes on his MZM, Inc.-supplied yacht, the 'Duke-stir,' Cunningham's party boat located in the Washington Marina. MZM was headed by GOP contributor Mitchell Wade who pleaded guilty to paying bribes to Cunningham in February 2006.

Wade admitted to federal investigators that he had an arrangement with Shirlington Limousine, which had an arrangement with an escort service to transport prostitutes to suites at the Watergate Hotel and the Westin Grand paid for by Wilkes. The suites often hosted 'poker parties,' at which Cunningham, former CIA Director Porter Goss, Goss' House Intelligence Committee staffer Brant 'Nine Fingers' Bassett, and Goss' Executive Director Kyle 'Dusty' Foggo were reportedly in attendance.

There are several calls between PMA and a Poway cell phone number in January 2006, just three months before the Shirlington Limousine-Wilkes-Wade-Cunningham story hit the newspapers. Palfrey maintained a residence in Escondido, also the home town of Cunningham, during this time frame. Palfrey does recall that someone using the first name of 'Brett' or 'Brent' did phone the agency on occasion from the San Diego area.

Cunningham resigned from Congress in November 2005 after pleading guilty to receiving bribes from Wilkes and Wade.

WMR has determined that the PMA escort business was, in addition to several other notable Washington hotels, centered on two hotels close to the White House: the St. Regis Hotel and the Capitol Hilton, which are across the street from one another on 16th Street, a few blocks north of the White House.

The nexus of the prosecution of Jeane Palfrey and the Cunningham-Wilkes-Wade-Shirlington Limo case is noteworthy. Palfrey's case also involves the sacked U.S. Attorney for Baltimore, Tom DiBiagio, who was investigating Republican Governor Bob Ehrlich's staff for use of prostitutes and other corruption. DiBiagio was fired by the Justice Department for pursuing the case against Ehrlich. U.S. Attorney for San Diego Carol Lam was fired, in part, for her aggressive prosecution of Cunningham and his cronies."

Wilkes was sentenced to 12 years imprisonment on February 19, 2008 for bribing Cunningham in return for lucrative government contracts. Mitchell Wade, the former owner of MZM, Inc., who pleaded guilty to paying more than $1 million in bribes to Cunningham in return for defense contracts, admitted that Wilkes set up a prostitution ring using Shirlington. The deal between Wilkes and Shirlington reportedly extended back to 1990. PMA started its business three years later. Cunningham pleaded guilty on March 3, 2006, to multiple charges against, including bribery and wire fraud, and was sentenced to over eight years in prison.

The DiBiagio firing is also noteworthy. On January 26, 2007, just a few weeks before the indictments of Foggo, Wilkes, and Palfrey, and the resignation of Lam, another Pamela Martin escort, Brandy Britton, a former University of Maryland professor who was later charged with, was found hanging in her Ellicott City, Maryland home. Britton had been charged with prostitution by the state of Maryland in 2006. Her clients had, according to Britton, included police, attorneys, and judges. One named client in seized records was named "Robert." U.S. Attorney for Maryland DiBiagio was investigating top Maryland officials for corruption and involvement in prostitution. DiBiagio was one of the first U.S. Attorneys fired after George W. Bush's re-election in 2004. One of DiBiagio's targets was Maryland Republican Governor Robert Ehrlich.

DiBiagio had already won a conviction against Ehrlich's state police superintendent Ed Norris for using police funds while he was Baltimore police commissioner to pay for prostitutes, including those from Pamela Martin. At the time that DiBiagio was investigating Ehrlich, Palfrey came under investigation by the Internal Revenue Service in Baltimore for tax fraud and the US Postal Inspection Service for mail fraud, both arising from her escort business. DiBiagio, knowing that Palfrey could lead him to "bigger fish," never apparently entertained indicting her in his jurisdiction.

Britton was found hanging by her daughter. Ironically, on May 1, 2008, Palfrey would be found hanging by her mother at the mother's home in Tarpon Springs, Florida. Both hangings were concluded to be "suicides."

Palfrey was convicted on fraud and prostitution charges on April 15, 2008, in Washington, DC. She committed "suicide" on May 1, 2008, prior to her sentencing in July.

Foggo originally pleaded "not guilty" at the U.S. Courthouse in San Diego to 30 counts of fraud, conspiracy, and money laundering. However, the CIA convinced the Justice Department to move the case from San Diego to the Eastern District of Virginia in Alexandria, where the CIA has substantial influence to limit fallout from such cases involving its personnel.

Foggo ultimately pleaded guilty on September 28, 2008, to a single count of wire fraud after the government dropped 27 other charges in the U.S. in Alexandria. Foggo had earlier threatened to expose the CIA's most hidden secrets in an earlier prosecutors court filing: "[Foggo threatened] to expose the cover of virtually every CIA employee with whom he interacted and to divulge to the world some of our country's most sensitive programs—even though this information has absolutely nothing to do with the charges he faces." It now appears that among those "sensitive programs" was sexual blackmail involving Palfrey's escort service, among sleect others.

Foggo successfully turned "blackmail" into "graymail" and received 37 months in prison in February of this year. He could have received 20 years. US Judge James Cacheris, who, along with his brother, defense attorney Plato Cacheris who has defended a number of CIA and FBI agents charged with espionage, acts as the CIA's protectors in the eastern Virginia district, told Foggo his lawyers "have done a good job for you in this case." The deal meant that Foggo would remain silent and the CIA's involvement with blackmailing U.S. politicians and foreign officials, said to include Russian and Chinese diplomats in Washington, as well as Arab princes and oil ministry officials, would remain safe from disclosure. However, as reported by WMR, Pamela Martin's clients also included Dick Cheney while he was the head of Halliburton. Cheney's secret was that he engaged an escort at least once and paid her to straddle a glass top table with Cheney underneath. The escort then evacuated her bowels on the table while Cheney watched. CIA sources told WMR that Cheney used the name "Bruce Chiles" when dealing with the escort service and that most of his encounters took place in McLean, Virginia.

WMR has also learned that Foggo traveled to Vienna, Austria a number of times since his wife is an Austrian national, itself an oddity for a senior CIA official. WMR previously reported: " . . . it is a certainty that one of the actual 'corporate clients' of the PMA [Pamela Martin & Associates] agency was the CIA itself."

On September 1, 2007, WMR reported:

"WMR has learned that on August 31, Deborah Jeane Palfrey, the indicted Pamela Martin & Associates proprietor, filed a 'Motion for Pretrial Conference to Consider Matters Relating to classified information' under the 'Classified Information Procedures Act' with the U.S. District Court in Washington, DC. The purpose of the filing alerts the government that Palfrey's defense will likely involved the disclosure of evidence and identities presently deemed 'classified" by the U.S. government.'"

The CIPA is only invoked in cases when classified national security information must be revealed. It is now clear that Palfrey, who never admitted to this editor any links between her agency and the CIA, was a contractor for the spy agency. Palfrey's citing of CIPA is an indication that she signed a non-disclosure agreement with the CIA stating that she would never reveal classified information as a result of her special relationship with the agency unless authorized to do so. Palfrey's non-disclosure agreement would have resulted in her making no comment to the press about any relationship. However, it must be stated that Palfrey always insisted to this editor that it was quite possible that some of her employees may have had a relationship with U.S. intelligence but that she would not necessarily know that to be the case.

Palfrey was never comfortable with her court-appointed attorney Preston Burton. Burton once was a partner in the law office of Plato Cacheris in Washington. Cacheris' name is synonymous in DC circles with CIA scandals, particularly those dealing in espionage. Burton's resume of clients is a "Who's Who" of the past two decades of spy scandals: the CIA's Soviet spy Aldrich Ames, the FBI's Soviet spy Robert Hanssen, Oliver North's secretary Fawn Hall, Watergate convicted Attorney General John Mitchell, and Monica Lewinsky. Burton, himself, was involved in the defense of Ames, Hanssen, Lewinsky, as well as Ana Belen Montes, a former Defense Intelligence Agency analyst convicted of spying for Cuba.

The top CIA cases involved the US Eastern District of Virginia court in Alexandria, where Plato Cacheris' brother, James Cacheris, serves as a senior judge. Known as the 'rocket docket,' Plato and James Cacheris have overseen a number of espionage cases, including Ames, that saw quick pleas and lifetime prison sentences. Mention the name Cacheris in Washington, DC and CIA comes instantly to mind among those who know the game. Palfrey was obviously aware of the CIA's past use of 'rocket dockets' in Alexandria and Washington and the 'exchange' of emails between U.S. Judge James Robertson, federal prosecutors William Cowden and Daniel Butler, and Burton on the weekend before Burton agreed to not call any defense witnesses and allow the case to be sent directly to the jury was a sure indication of outside interference in the case. Robertson, who replaced Kessler after she requested to be reassigned, promised to reveal the emails to the public, indicating he was legally required to do so. To date, to our knowledge, they have not been released. . .

There is another interesting postscript to the Palfrey case. Palfrey, after deciding to close down PMA and move to Europe, chose to buy an apartment in the former East Berlin. This editor discussed this with Palfrey and the consensus was that, for European prices, there were some good deals on real estate in eastern Berlin as the former Soviet sector has lagged behind in improving infrastructure. However, it was intriguing that Palfrey, who spent her time mostly in California and Florida, would have known about a good deal in East Berlin. Or did one of her agency handlers recommend it as the perfect place to get away from the 'game' in Washington?"

Based on Palfrey's relationship with Foggo, it now appears that Foggo, as the CIA's logistics chief in Frankfurt, Germany, would have known about the availability of CIA safe houses for sale, including the East Berlin apartment that Palfrey was to purchase for $70,000. Foggo reportedly saw Palfrey while every time she visited Germany. After Palfrey wired $70,000 to Germany on September 28, 2006, the IRS and Postal Inspection agents ratcheted up their investigation of Palfrey. At the same time, the Justice Department and Lam were closely on the heels of Foggo.

Other than Palfey's desire to invoke the CIPA, there are two other indications that she was involved with the CIA's sexpionage operations. One is that U.S. District Judge Gladys Kessler, Palfrey's original trial judge and a person who seemed sympathetic to Palfrey's plight and demanded to know why federal prosecutors were not interested in pursuing the escort service's clients, was asked to be reassigned rom the case in December 2007. U.S. Judge James Robertson, who had connections with U.S. intelligence as a one-time member of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court, replaced Palfrey. The second is more personal. After Palfrey requested this editor to take the stand in her defense and testify about the identities of her service's clients, including Cheney, I visited the law offices of her attorney in Washington, DC. Present was a disagreeable individual who grimaced every time I mentioned a possible connection between Pamela Martin and the CIA. I was later told he was there to protect the interests of the CIA in the case.

There is yet another postscript to this story. WMR has learned that the political fallout from the CIA's sexpionage program still affects politicians. Senator John Ensign (R-NV) was warned by the Gonzales Justice Department and Rove not to make waves over the firing of U.S. Attorney Dan Bogden in the massive firing of U.S. Attorneys following the 2004 presidential election. Bogden had been recommended by Ensign. Ensign's current sex scandal involving a legislative aide on his staff who was also his mistress and who received "hush money" is an outcome of his refusal to back down on investigating the Bogden firing matter.

Bhutto assassination linked to US-run Pakistani terrorist group

Based on intelligence sources, WMR previously reported a link between the Dick Cheney-Pentagon Joint Special Operations Command (JSOC) assassination team and the the assassination in December 2007 of former Pakistani Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto. WMR has now obtained from knowledgeable Pakistani sources the logistical network behind the killing of Bhutto.

Pakistani sources who have closely monitored the activities of Waziristan-based militants have discovered that Abdullah Masud, the reputed brother of Waziristan-based insurgent leader Baitullah Mehsud, was released by the United States from detention in Guantanamo Bay, Cuba after his capture in Afghanistan in December 2001 by the forces of Afghan Uzbek warlord Abdul Rashid Dostum after the Battle of Kunduz. Mehsud spent 25 months in Guantanamo but was released by the United States and returned to South Waziristan where he joined Baitullah Mehsud's forces and rebuilt the Taliban network in Pakistan's tribal region with the bllessing of the CIA. Abdullah Mehsud was killed with other militants by Pakistani forces in an attack on their house in Baluchistan on July 24, 2007. However, Pakistani sources report that Abdullah Mehsud was secretly working with U.S., Indian, and Israeli intelligence.

Abdullah Mehsud was eventually replaced by Qari Zainuddin, but he began blowing the whistle on cooperation between Baitullah Mehsud's Tehreek-e-Taliban movement and Indian and U.S. intelligence, specifically in its involvement in the assassination of Mrs. Bhutto. After Zainuddin stepped up his charges that Baitullah Mehsud worked with the Indians and Americans to assassinate Bhutto, he was killed by his bodyguard Gulbadin Mehsud last month on June 23.

Baitullah Mehsud's sudden rise to prominence in Pakistan's northwest tribal region has raised eyebrows in Pakistan. Baitullah Mehsud, according to WMR's sources, "came out of nowhere and all of a sudden raised an army of thousands that get paid salaries up to eight times higher than the national average."

In addition, the encrypted communications systems used by Baitullah Mehsud's forces "has been too sophisticated for our intelligence to crack," according to our sources.

WMR has also learned that the equipment and weapons found by Pakistani security forces in Tehreek-e-Taliban arms caches and on the dead bodies of the insurgent fighters is manufactured in India and Israel. The dead militants have also found to be mostly uncircumcised, an unthinkable practice among dedicated Taliban members.

There is a strong belief by Pakistani authorities that Baitullah Mehsud and his network is part of the secret Cheney-Pentagon JSOC/Task Force 121 assassination and has operated with the support of Indian and Israeli intelligence. This is the first indication that the secret military group run out of Cheney's office has links to groups and individuals identified in the past as being part of the Taliban/"Al Qaeda" construct.

The real secret about the Cheney-Pentagon team is that it participated in other terrorist attacks attributed to "Al Qaeda." Future revelations about Cheney's covert team may expose the former Vice President's involvement in activities much more damaging than political assassinations and kidnappings, including the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001.

Previously, WMR was informed by knowledgeable sources in central Asia that exiled leaders of the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan living in the tribal region bordering Afghanistan and Pakistan had been linked to JSOC personnel assigned to the Cheney-Pentagon secret team. They had been linked to the May 2005 anti-government riots in Andijan in eastern Uzbekistan that killed some 200 people.

Joint Israeli and Indian "false flag" intelligence operations in Pakistan began in earnest in early 2001 with "Operation Blue Tulsi," according to WMR's Pakistani sources. Indian Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) and Mossad agents of the agency's special operations Metsada unit and special forces Sayeret Matkal Unit 262 infiltrated Pakistan to conduct false flag assassinations of Islamic clerics and military officers, journalists, government officials, foreign diplomatic personnel, and judicial authorities. In addition, bombs would be exploded on trains and in railway and bus stations, movie theaters, hotels, foreign embassies, and mosques. Islamist insurgent groups would be blamed for the attacks by the international media.

The group also incited secessionist tensions in Baluchistan, a move that saw the creation of Jondollah, which launched terrorist attacks in the Baluch region of southeastern Iran under the primary direction of the CIA station in Muscat, Oman.

The ultimate target of Operation Blue Tulsi was reportedly the destruction of Pakistan's nuclear weapons inventory and its means of production. Blue Tulsi was closely coordinated by the RAW, CIA, the Pentagon's JSOC, Mossad, and Rehman Malik, the head of the Pakistani Federal Investigation Agency (FIA) during Bhutto's second term as Prime Minister. Malik was reportedly a key interlocutor in Pakistan between his intelligence agents and the CIA/Pentagon team, Mossad, and RAW. Suspicously, Malik was the head of Bhutto's security team when she was assassinated in Rawalpindi on December 27, 2007. Bhutto's widower, Presiddent Asif Ali Zardari "rewarded" Malik's lax attention to security by appointing him Interior affairs adviser and then Interior Minister of Pakistan.