Monday, June 15, 2009

NATO's War Plans For The High North - Scandinavia and the Baltic Sea

Since the beginning of the year the United States and NATO have repeatedly indicated in both word and deed their intention to lay claim to and extend their military presence in what they refer to as the High North: The Arctic Circle and the waters connecting with it, the Barents and the Norwegian Seas, as well as the Baltic.

Washington issued National Security Presidential Directive 66 on January 12, 2009 which includes the bellicose claim that "The United States has broad and fundamental national security interests in the Arctic region [which] include such matters as missile defense and early warning; deployment of sea and air systems for strategic sealift, strategic deterrence, maritime presence, and maritime security operations." [1] Later in the same month the North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATO] held a two-day Seminar on Security Prospects in the High North in the capital of Iceland attended by the bloc's secretary general and its top military commanders.

This coordinated initiative has been covered in a previous article in this series [2] and plans by the West to encroach on Arctic territory and confront Russia in the western region of the ocean have been addressed in another. [3]

Over the past month efforts by NATO member states, individually and collectively, to increase their military presence and warfighting ability in the High North have accelerated dramatically.



Sweden: NATO's Testing Ground And Battleground

The alarming and aggressive campaign is exemplified by the ongoing 10-day Loyal Arrow 2009 NATO military exercises being conducted in Sweden, described by a major American daily newspaper as "A NATO rapid-reaction force...on a war footing in Swedish Lapland" which consists of "Ten countries, 2,000 troops, a strike aircraft carrier, and 50 fighter jets - including the US Air Force's F-15 Eagle...participating in war games near contested Arctic territories."

The same source reflects that "Choosing this place for war games reflects the growing strategic importance of the Arctic, which is estimated to contain a quarter of the Earth's oil and gas...." [4]

A NATO website offers these details:

"Ten NATO and non-NATO nations will participate in the live flying exercise LAW 09 in Sweden from 8 to 18 June 2009. Some 50 fast jets, which will be based at Norrbotten Wing, Sweden will participate in the exercise. The aim of the exercise is to train units and selected parts of the NATO Response Force Joint Force Air Component Headquarters in the coordination and conduct of air operations. Additionally, NATO Airborne Warning and Control (AWACS) aircraft, as well as other transport aircraft and helicopters, will support the exercise. Some of the participating units will be flying in from bases in Norway and Finland.

"The exercise is based upon a fictitious scenario. Within this scenario, elements of the NATO Response Force (NRF)...will be deployed to a theatre of operations. The NRF was created to provide the Alliance with an effective tool to face the new security threats of the 21st century. It is a rapidly deployable, multinational and joint force with modern equipment able to carry out the full range of Alliance missions whenever and wherever needed, as tasked by the North Atlantic Council.

"About 800-900 troops from Germany, Finland, the United Kingdom, Italy, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Sweden, Turkey and the United States as well as NATO’s airborne early warning component will participate." [5]

US Air Force personnel flew in from the US-used base in Mildenhall, England and "Air and ground crews from United States Air Forces in Europe joined military units from about 10 other nations June 8...." [6]

The war games are based in the Bothnian Bay in the Northern Baltic Sea and are the largest display of air power in the area's history.

On the first day of the exercises, June 8, it was reported that "The NATO-led air force drill Loyal Arrow started in Northern Sweden today. The British aircraft carrier HMS Illustrious [with 1,000 soldiers] reached the Bothnia Bay. 50 airplanes and 2,000 persons, aircraft carrier personnel included, from ten countries will take part in what will be the biggest air force drill ever in the Finnish-Swedish Bothnia Bay." [7]

Sweden's Lulea airbase and Norway's at Bodo and Finland's at Oulu are being employed for the NATO war games.

Loyal Arrow is centered on a "fictitious scenario" in which "the NATO Response Force (NRF) [is] deployed to a theatre of operations, Lapistan.

"Lapistan is a fictitious undemocratic, unstable country that is ruled by a military clique which hosts terrorist training camps. The exercise's scenario is centered over a conflict over oil and natural gas with Bothnia, a fictitious neighboring NATO country, with some presence of nearby neutral fictitious countries Nordistan and Suomia, who refer to Norway and Finland, respectively." [8]

As the war games were getting underway Stefan Lindgren, vice chairman of Afghan Solidarity in Sweden, filed a complaint with the official ombudsman for discrimination matters and stated that the NATO exercise was both a defamation of the Sami people and also Muslims in Sweden. The "istan" ending reveals a mental connection with NATO's war in Afghanistan.

The indigenous people of the region, the Sami, protested against the racist term "Laps" - forbidden in Sweden - and also against the description of the exercise. [9]

A mainstream newspaper elaborated on the controversy in reporting that "The main indigenous people of Northern Sweden, the Sami, are discontented with the fact that the 'enemy nation' in the exercise's scenario is called 'Lapistan' and have joined the protesters against NATO in the demonstrations. The name is invented by NATO and resembles the derogatory term for Sami people, 'Lapps'". [10]

The American Christian Science Monitor followed up on the story on June 11 with the following quotes:

"'These exercises increase the risk of a conflict,' says Anna Ek, head of Sweden's Peace and Arbitration Society. 'They send out offensive and aggressive signals. Should we really be planning for a conflict with Russia while there is still a window of opportunity for cooperation in the Arctic?'

"'Neither the Parliament nor the defense committee were informed about the size of this exercise,' says Peter Radberg, a Green Party member of Parliament. 'It looks like a serious attempt to market NATO in Sweden....It risks causing a military escalation in a region where we should be disarming.'" [11]

As the first excerpt reveals, not only were the security, livestock and the very status of the Sami people of northern Sweden endangered, but Loyal Arrow 2009, in conjunction with other military exercises and initiatives to be examined later, is directly targeted against Russia, NATO's only challenger in its drive into and for domination over the Arctic.

The NATO Out of Sweden group organized activities in Lulea (the site of the Swedish airbase used in the drills) and demonstrated against NATO's use of Norrbotten County as a training ground and firing range for prospective actions at home and abroad.

The organization's Anna-Karin Gudmundson said, "This [exercise] can be perceived as very provocative. The Barents region with its proximity to the Arctic makes it a sensitive area. With all the talk about melting ice and the fight over natural resources this can look like a demonstration of power from NATO's side." [12]

Ofog, another Swedish peace group, announced on June 8 that it was deploying activists to a bombing range near the Vidsel Air Base in Norrbotten to "stop the preparation of war crimes" and to "prevent NATO from bombing the area further." [13]

The group issued a press release that said "Just like NATO we will be in the air, on the land and in the sea. We will do everything in our power to show NATO that their business is hideous and deadly.

"NATO is not a defensive alliance. It is the world's largest nuclear weapons club and war machine." [14]

On the second day of the exercises, June 10th, five members of Ofog were arrested after penetrating the bombing range.

Six more members were arrested as the NATO bombing continued and one of the Ofog activists at the range, Miriam Cordts, said: "NATO is the world's biggest war machine and nuclear weapons club. This aerial exercise in northern Sweden is their largest this year and is designed to make the NATO Response Force even more able to attack wherever they want. 90% of those who are killed in NATO's wars are civilians. It is our responsibility as human beings to do all we can to stop this exercise.” [15]

The Ofog activists' intention was to bring a halt to the bombing with their presence, but the NATO exercise continued.

A spokesman for the group commented, "We know that NATO bombs civilians, but this is the first time they have threatened to bomb civilians in Sweden” [16]

Sweden, though not yet a full member of NATO, is hosting the exercises through obligations to the Alliance's Partnership for Peace program and in doing so advancing ever closer to complete NATO integration despite opposition by the majority of Swedes.

Sweden In NATO: Neutrality Is Past Tense

The groundwork for Sweden's incorporation into NATO has been methodically planned for years.

In mid-May Member of Parliament and Liberal Party foreign policy spokesperson Birgitta Ohlsson stated that "For me, and for the Liberal Party (Folkpartiet), it is more evident than ever before that Sweden should be a member of NATO. Political parties can't just follow public opinion, they have to influence it too - and isolationism is very passe." [17]

Shortly thereafter the nation's defense minister, Sten Tolgfors, announced the "biggest restructuring of Sweden's armed forces in modern times" and that "Sweden will, for the first time in many decades, have one defense organization."

What he meant was defined more clearly when he added, "Today, we have a force with one organization for national use, based on a conscript system, and another for international use, based on standing units.

"We will reform our defense based on the lessons we learned from our lead-nation position with the Nordic Battle Group. We will have a battle-group-based defense in the future.

"We have built the Nordic Battle Group together. We are together with Finland in Afghanistan."

That Afghanistan wasn't the only rationale behind Sweden's increased militarization and integration into NATO structures was revealed when Tolgfors, while speaking of the Loyal Arrow exercises in June, said, "Russia has certainly raised its tone of voice over the last couple of years...." [18]

Two days later he visited NATO Headquarters in Brussels where he met with Jaap de Hoop Scheffer and "briefed the Secretary General on the upcoming transformation of Sweden's defence capabilities, which should make Swedish forces more efficient, more deployable and more capable of conducting international operations." [19]

Four days before NATO launched the Loyal Arrow war games, Sweden's ambassador to France, Gunnar Lund, "speaking on behalf of Sweden's foreign minister Carl Bildt," promoted the use of a five-nation Nordic contingent of the European Union's battle groups (to function under NATO's lead through the Berlin Plus and related agreements) in saying "On the military side, I would like to draw your attention to the use of battle groups - a potentially very useful tool to the support of international peace and security."

The Swedish government regretted that the EU hadn't earlier employed the Nordic battle group - with forces from Sweden, Finland, Norway, Ireland and Estonia - and "did not give the green light to sending it to Chad and the Central African Republic last year." [20]

(Sweden, Finland and Ireland are three-fifths of Europe's remaining - nominal - neutral nations, the other two being Switzerland and Austria. All five have now deployed military contingents of varying sizes to serve under NATO in the International Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan. In Switzerland a peace group, Switzerland without an Army, "accus[ing] the government of trying to move neutral Switzerland to the NATO military alliance," recently turned in over 100,000 signatures - the amount required to introduce legislation in the parliament - to the federal government against a proposed purchase of new fighter jets, to insure NATO interoperability.)

1,300 Kilometer Border With Russia: NATO Integrates Finland

Last month a meeting of the Nordic Defence Ministerial [the defense chiefs of Sweden, Finland, Denmark, Norway and Iceland; there is also a joint Nordic-Baltic Defence Ministerial) occurred in Finland where the defense ministries of the five nations "discussed security developments in Northern Europe and exchanged views on the ongoing national defence transformation processes" and "evaluated common challenges in Africa and Afghanistan."

"The ministers discussed developments in the High North and possibilities for Nordic cooperation there.

"Similarly, they analyzed possibilities for enhanced Nordic cooperation in the Baltic Sea." [21]

This came shortly after "Former Norwegian foreign minister Thorvald Stoltenberg...concluded in a report on Nordic defence cooperation that the five Nordic countries should strengthen security cooperation in the Arctic...." [22]

Less than a week later US Air Force pilots were in Finland to train their counterparts in air refueling procedures of the sort used for long-distance missions and warfare.

According to the operations officer of the Finnish Air Force's 21st Fighter Squadron, "a captain who asked to remain anonymous due to government policy," the week-long exercises with Navy F-18 Hornets and an Air Force KC-135 Stratotanker, "help[ed] the squadron, and the service as a whole, meet a government requirement to be able to deploy outside Finland to support NATO forces. Although Finland is not a member of NATO, it is a part of the organization's Partnership of Peace program, which USAFE [U.S. Air Forces in Europe] also supports.

"This opens our eyes to a much wider operating area."

The report from which the above comes informed readers that "It's the first time U.S. Air Forces in Europe has deployed a tanker team to Finland for an air-to-air refueling operation." [23]

On May 25 of this year the Finnish foreign trade and development minister, Paavo Vayrynen of the Centre Party, said his party's partner in the ruling coalition, the conservative National Coalition Party, "had mounted a sustained campaign to mould public opinion behind NATO membership." [24]

Similar initiatives, concerted and surreptitious, to drag nations into NATO against the will of a clear majority of their populations are underway in Sweden and Cyrpus, inter alia.

From June 1-4 NATO's Allied Command Transformation (ACT), based in Norfolk, Virginia, and the Finnish Defence Forces conducted a NPETN [NATO & Partners' Education and Training Portal] in Helsinki.

A Turkish air force colonel assigned to NPETN described the program as "basically a human network that provides a venue to the members
including the NATO Defense College, Joint Warfare Centre, Joint Force Training Centre, NATO School, NATO Communications and Information Systems School, NATO Maritime Interdiction Operational Training Centre, NATO Centres of Excellence, and NATO and Partner Nation's military education and training centres." [25]

The three-day conference wasn't a bilateral affair between NATO's headquarters in the United States and Finland, however, as it took in nations from no fewer than five continents.

"For the first time in conference history, a representative from Australia, a NATO Contact Country, will attend the discussions."

The same Turkish NATO representative quoted earlier said, "The conference gives us the opportunity to reach our goals because we will have more input from our Partner Nations, representatives from NATO, Partnership for Peace (PfP), Mediterranean Dialogue (MD), and Istanbul Cooperation Initiative (ICI), Contact Countries (CC)." [26]

With NATO's 28 full members, 25 Partnership for Peace candidates, seven members of the Mediterranean Dialogue, six of the Istanbul Cooperation Initiative [the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council) and several Contact Countries like Australia, New Zealand, Japan, South Korea, etc., the number adds up to nearly a third of the 192 nations in the world.

On the day after the NATO conference in Finland's capital ended, the nation's police arrested six peace activists for painting NATO symbols in - blood - red on the walls of the Finnish Defence Command headquarters in Helsinki.

The group, Muurinmurtajat, released a statement saying "it wanted to draw attention to how the practical work of bringing Finland militarily closer to NATO is being done at the Defence Command." [27]

Five days later the NATO Consultation, Command and Control Agency (NC3A) signed a Memorandum of Understanding with Finland on defense technology.

"Finland is a long-standing participant in the NATO Partnership for Peace programme with a strong track record of contributing to NATO missions and exercises.

"Sweden was the first partner country to sign a similar agreement with NC3A in 2007." [28] On the same day the Finnish armed forces began "their largest military exercise in decades."

Maanvyory 2009 (Landslide 2009) includes "18,000 service men, including 7,000 reservists from all three branches of the service." [29]

Norway: NATO Moves Its Military Into The Arctic

On June 2nd it was announced that Norway will move its Operational Command Headquarters from the south of the nation at Stavanger north to Reitan outside Bodo, "thus making Norway the first country to move its military command leadership to the Arctic."

"The move is in line with the Government's increased focus on the northern regions. With the new location above the Arctic Circle, Norway's supreme operational command will gain first hand contact with all questions concerning the High North." [30]

During a meeting of NATO parliamentarians in Oslo from May 22-26 NATO Secretary General Jaap de Hoop Scheffer held meetings with Prime Minister Stoltenberg, Foreign Minister Store and Defence Minister Strom-Erichsen and had an audience with King Harald V. "Discussions focused on NATO's post-summit agenda, including the upcoming update of the Alliance Strategic Concept, relations with Russia and new security challenges facing Allies." [31]

At the same meeting of NATO parliamentarians Norwegian cabinet members told the participants that "NATO should increase its role in the High North," with State Secretary for Defence Espen Barth Eide insisting "that the High North should be addressed by the next reorganisation of the NATO command structure...." [32]

Norwegian Ambassador to NATO, Kim Traavik, escorted the ambassadors of five fellow NATO countries on a "study trip" to the north of the country after the parliamentarian meeting ended to inspect the site of the intended future conflict.

A week before, Norwegian Minister of Defence Anne-Grete Strom- Erichsen "outlined the importance of shaping a common position in defence and security matters concerning the High North. The Minister particularly called for 'strengthening the relevance of NATO.' Considering Russia's recent push in its military and economic spheres in the Arctic Sea, Strom-Erichsen sees a worrying potential for a possible destabilisation in the region." [33]

The defense chief in her own words:

"The Alliance is at the core of the security and defence strategies of all but one Arctic Ocean state. It therefore cannot avoid defining its role in the area. The challenge will be to devise policies that address fundamental Western security interests...." [34]

At the current time NATO's Allied Command Transformation is conducting a CWID [Coalition Warrior Interoperability Demonstration] in Lillehammer, Norway from June 1-26 "with particular emphasis on those that would be deployed with NATO-led operations such as Article 5 Response, International Security Assistance Force (ISAF), Active Endeavour, Kosovo Force or within a NATO Response Force (NRF)...." [35]

An Article 5 response means activating NATO's collective military assistance provision as has been done with the nearly eight-year-old Afghan war.

On June 6th it was reported that Norway had established an historical record in arms exports and that "Most of the export of Norwegian defence material goes to NATO member nations and to Sweden and Finland." [36]

Further Encroachment On Russia: NATO In The Baltic Sea

It was reported late last month that NATO would continue its rotational air patrols over Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania until at least 2020. [37] As has been mentioned by Russian officials, the NATO warplanes involved are a five-minute flight from Russia's second largest city of St. Petersburg.

The Baltic Eagle NATO Response Force (NRF-14) multinational exercise is being conducted from June 2-18 in the Adazi Military Area in Latvia to prepare the Baltic Battalion of Latvian, Estonian and Lithuanian armed forces "to test the combat readiness level of the unit."

"According to the exercise scenario, the troops will deploy into the region of a military conflict and will conduct a wide scale of operations....A significant number of modern weaponry and equipment, including third generation Spike anti-tank guided missiles, modern heavy SISU 8x8 multi purpose transporters, SISU armored personnel carriers, personal assault rifles G36, and others, will be used in the exercise...."

The Baltic Battalion is a component of the NATO Response Force which in turn "is a highly ready and technologically advanced force of the Alliance made up of land, air, sea and special forces components that can deploy quickly wherever needed. It is self-sustainable and capable of performing missions worldwide across the whole spectrum of operations." [38]

During the same period the US Navy is has been leading the annual Baltic Operations (BALTOPS) exercises in the region.

"Maritime forces from 12 countries will participate in the largest multinational naval exercise this year in the Baltic Sea June 8-19.

"The Baltic Operations (BALTOPS) exercise is an annual event aimed at improving interoperability and cooperation among regional allies" and this years includes naval forces from the US, Britain, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Latvia, Lithuania, Netherlands, Poland and Sweden." [39]

Present are US Rear Adm. John N. Christenson, commander of the Carrier Strike Group 12, and Swedish Rear Adm. Anders Grenstad, commander of the Maritime Component Command and "the Swedish equivalent of the U.S. Navy's chief of naval operations." [40]

Five days before BALTOPS 2009 began, the USS Mount Whitney - the flagship of the US Navy's Sixth Fleet and the command and control ship for the Commander Joint Command Lisbon and the Commander Striking Force NATO, deployed against Russia in the Black Sea after last August's Caucasus war - arrived off the coast of Lithuania and hosted American expatriate and current Lithuanian president Valdas Adamkus.

The latter used the occasion to affirm that "On behalf of the entire nation, the Mount Whitney's presence is significant to the entire country. It shows respect, provides additional strength and belief to fight for their commitment, but most importantly, the solidarity of the NATO community."

The US commander responded with, "I would like to publicly thank Lithuania for their [sic] support in Kosovo, Iraq, and especially Afghanistan." [41]

German Navy, Air Force Return To Neighborhood Of Leningrad

German Defense Minister Franz Josef Jung toured the Baltics last week and met with his Estonian, Latvian and Lithuanian counterparts to "discuss...pressing issues within NATO and the European Union" and to "strengthen the well-functioning security relations with the three Baltic states." [42]

German warplanes are to take over the NATO Baltic patrol later this year, which is sure to conjure up memories among those in St. Petersburg old enough to have survived the 900-day siege of the city when it was Leningrad.

As is the arrival of the German navy recently. "A German auxiliary repair ship, one of 10 German units, provides support to more than 40 allied ships participating in [the] Baltic Operations exercise 2009 here...." [43]

NATO's Main Base On The Baltic: Poland

In mid-May a senior Polish defense official stated that "Poland expects a U.S. Patriot battery to be deployed on its soil in 2009 regardless of whether President Barack Obama opts to press ahead with missile defence plans in Europe" and urged NATO "not to neglect potential security threats closer to home in Europe and...expressed [the Polish government's] willingness to host alliance infrastructure." [44]

Washington was quick to oblige: "The U.S. Department of State has confirmed that the Patriot missile battery will be deployed in Poland regardless of what happens with plans for the missile shield system." [45]

Three days later the Financial Times reported that in relation to the Pentagon stationing Patriot missiles in Poland "talks were on track for the completion of final agreements in July, followed by a deployment of 100-110 US soldiers and 196 missiles by the year-end."

Polish Deputy Defense Minister Stanislaw Komorowski was quoted as saying, "This will be the first time US soldiers are stationed on Polish soil, other than those who come under NATO control, on exercises for example....This will be symbolic for Poland." [46]

In early June Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk affirmed "that Poland had not changed its mind about the U. S. anti-missile shield," [47] specifically the stationing of 10 American ground-based interceptor missiles in Redzikowo, northern Poland, site of a former Nazi German Luftwaffe airbase, another historical parallel that should make any informed and sensible Russian nervous.

Late last week Polish government spokesman Pawel Gras said that "the bilateral agreement on the deployment of a U.S.-sponsored anti-missile shield in Poland provided for the delivery of a combat-ready battery" and that planned US Patriot missiles would be "armed and stationed permanently." [48]

On the same day Poland's Defense Minister Bogdan Klich "announced that NATO will locate the Joint Battle Command Centre in Bydgoszcz, northern Poland, following a decision by defense ministers at a NATO meeting in Brussels." [49] The Joint Battle Command Centre will be added to the NATO Joint Forces Training Centre already in Bydgoszcz.

The meeting of NATO defense chiefs was held in Brussels on June 11 and included the defense ministers of all 28 NATO and 22 partner states; the heads of fifty national militaries discussed the war in Afghanistan, the occupation of the Serbian province of Kosovo, naval operations off the coast of Somalia and the Georgian-Russian conflict in the South Caucasus.

The defense chiefs of half a hundred nations not only discussed military operations in three continents but in addition "members of the Nuclear Planning Group held consultations on key current issues related to the Alliance’s nuclear policy." [50]

The central component of NATO's 21st Century new Strategic Concept currently being crafted is a continuation and intensification of the bloc's drive east and Poland is marked for a large share of its military deployments and infrastructure.

Poland's Defense Minister Klich "highlight[ed] the fact that NATO has decided to heavily invest in Poland by modernizing military infrastructure including air and sea bases."

The sea bases will be on the Baltic and the air bases within easy striking distance of Russia and its two largest cities, Moscow and St. Petersburg.

Klich offered details on the plans decided upon by NATO last Thursday in revealing that "The Alliance has made the decision to open a new NATO cell, a new joint regiment within NATO. According to the decision, commanders from three regiments will be located in Bydgoszcz."

"In Bydgoszcz, we will have the permanent commanders of the battalion and other components: one of the six joint mobile modules, a security component and logistics and support operators." [51] The unit stationed in Poland will be composed of approximately 200 NATO soldiers.

Several days earlier Klich invited the Baltic states of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania and Russia's neighbor Ukraine to join a collective international expeditionary brigade, for alleged peacekeeping operations.

"The Polish defense minister...said that the talks dealt with Ukraine's cooperation with NATO and the European Union, as well as the countries' role in military operations, including Ukrainian servicemen's participation in operations in Afghanistan....The parties also discussed assistance to Ukraine in its efforts to join NATO....

"Ukrainian and Polish defense ministers Yuriy Yekhanurov and Bogdan Klich have invited the Baltic states to join the initiative on the formation of a joint peacekeeping brigade." [52]

The First American War Against Russia In The Arctic: Lessons Learned And Not Learned

From May 11-21 NATO held the twice-annual Joint Warrior war games - Europe's largest military exercise - off the coast of Scotland in the North Sea, which connects with the Norwegian Sea bordering the Arctic Ocean.

"More than 20 warships, 75 aircraft and hundreds of personnel were tested in various scenarios" including one in which "a task group of 33 ships and French marines were sent into the fictitious Northern Dispute Zone to tackle the 'Dragonians' who had been harassing the 'Caledonians and Avalonians.

"Soldiers, sailors and air crews from Denmark, the Netherlands, Belgium and the US were also involved." [53]

According to the same source the autumn Joint Warrior exercises will be extended from two to three weeks this year.

Regarding American participation in last month's drills, "USS Arleigh Burke (DDG 51), USS Porter (DDG 78), USS Philippine Sea (CG 58), USNS Kanawha (T-AO 193), and COMDESRON 24 took part in the scenario-driven engagement, along with vessels from nine other members of the North American Treaty Organization (NATO). [The Joint warrior] exercise [is] expected to increase fleet efficiency and battle readiness for U.S. and allied navies alike." [54]

On the other end of the Arctic, from June 15-26 the US will conduct operation Northern Edge 2009 in Alaska which will include "More than 200 aircraft, including B-52s, F-16s and Blackhawk helicopters....In addition, the USS John C. Stennis and its carrier strike group will be operating out of the Gulf of Alaska during the exercises. The nuclear-powered supercarrier has an air wing of more than 70 aircraft and a crew of 5,000 sailors." [55]

In a feature from a newspaper in the state of Michigan on May 28th, a review of a documentary film included this commentary on a US military unit deployed to Russia's Arctic region in the ending days of World War I:

"[The] Polar Bear Expedition saw some 5,500 soldiers sent to Archangel, Russia, near the Arctic Circle, in September 1918, just two months before the armistice would end the war. The expedition took shape after the 1917 Russian Revolution, when Russia signed a separate peace with Germany and pulled out of the war.

"At the urging of Winston Churchill - then in the British war office - President Woodrow Wilson...agreed to furnish troops to support the anti-Communist White Russian army. The Americans and some Canadians, who thought they were headed to France, were placed under British command."

US Senator Carl Levin was present for the screening of the documentary and told the audience, "There are lessons to be learned in history; there are lessons here....The lesson is we must be clear in our mission." [56]

There are lessons indeed. US troops fought on Russian soil and ended up on the losing side. This is not the lesson that Levin and the political and military leadership of NATO countries as a whole have learned and so risk repeating them on a far grander and more dangerous scale.

Notes

1) National Security Presidential Directive 66
http://www.fas.org/irp/offdocs/nspd/nspd-66.htm
2) NATO's, Pentagon's New Strategic Battleground: The Arctic
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/stopnato/message/37104
3) Canada: Battle Line In East-West Conflict Over The Arctic
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/stopnato/message/39795
4) Christian Science Monitor, June 11, 2009
5) Allied Air Component Command HQ Ramstein, April 9, 2009
6) U.S. Air Forces in Europe, June 8, 2009
7) Barents Observer, June 8, 2009
8) "Lapistan" inte bra sager Nato, Norrbottens-Kuriren via Wikipedia
9) Aftonbladet, June 5 by way of Stefan Lindgren
10) Barents Observer, June 8, 2009
11) Christian Science Monitor, June 11, 2009
12) Sveriges Radio via Barents Observer, June 8, 2009
13) The Local, June 10, 2009
14) The Local, June 8, 2009
15) From Agneta Norberg
16) Ibid
17) The Local, May 12, 2009
18) Defense News, May 17, 2009
19) NATO International, May 19, 2009
20) Agence France-Presse, June 3, 2009
21) Defense Professionals, May 13, 2009
22) Barents Observer, May 12, 2009
23) U.S. Air Forces in Europe, May 18, 2009
24) NewsRoom Finland, May 25, 2009
25) NATO International, Allied Command Transformation, May 29, 2009
26) Ibid
27) Helsinki Times, June 4, 2009
28) NATO International, June 9, 2009
29) Finnish Broadcasting Company, June 9, 2009
30) Barents Observer, June 2, 2009
31) NATO International, May 26, 2009
32) Jane's Defence Weekly, June 1, 2009
33) Norwegian Ministry of Defence, May 14, 2009
34) Ibid
35) NATO International, Allied Command Transformation, May 18, 2009
36) Norway Post, June 6, 2009
37) Defense News, May 28, 2009
38) Lithuania Ministry of National Defence, May 28, 2009
39) U.S. Naval Forces Europe, Navy NewsStand, June 6, 2009
40) Ibid
41) United States European Command, June 3, 2009
42) United Press International, June 9, 2009
43) U.S. Naval Forces Europe, June 11, 2009
44) Reuters, May 18, 2009
45) Warsaw Voice, June 3, 2009
46) Financial Times, May 21, 2009
47) Trend News Agency, June 3, 2009
48) Xinhua News Agency, June 12, 2009
49) Polish Radio, June 12, 2009
50) NATO International, June 11, 2009
51) Polish Radio, June 12, 2009
52) Interfax-Ukraine, May 29, 2009
53) BBC News, May 22, 2009
54) United States Navy, Navy Newsstand, May 22, 2009
55) Fairbanks Daily News-Miner, June 12, 2009
56) Hometown Life, May 28, 2009


Rick Rozoff is a frequent contributor to Global Research. Global Research Articles by Rick Rozoff

Obama and the Military: Purely Tactical Disagreements - The Role of the US Military-Industrial Complex

In his last presidential address, US President D. Eisenhower warned his countrymen against the unchecked growth of influence of the political, ideological, economic, financial, and industrial militarily oriented machine which had emerged in the US by that time. To describe it, he coined the term military-industrial complex which later became commonly adopted. Since then the US military-industrial complex has gained a much greater clout. Quite possibly President Obama is not yet fully aware of the great extent to which the military-industrial complex is able to exert influence on him and his policies, but no doubt he is already being influenced by it. This fact must be taken into account to understand Obama's politics in Iraq and Afghanistan.

The US military-industrial complex – the world's largest – is not limited to the US armed forces and companies manufacturing weaponry. It also includes the federal and private organizations oriented towards the war, including a number of legislative and executive bodies. It is also fair to say that the US intelligence community belongs to the country's military-industrial complex. The US military-industrial complex has enormous financial resources at its disposal and is extremely influential, largely due to its symbiotic relationship with transnational corporations which routinely employ the US military might and the potential of its intelligence agencies to promote their interests worldwide.

The whole enormous monster functions according to its own laws and it takes a tremendous effort to make it adjust its plans. Can President Obama make such an effort?

During Obama's presidential campaign his dovish ideas concerning the settlement of conflicts in various parts of the world – mainly in Iraq and Afghanistan - were warmly welcomed by the public and seemed to draw no comments from the military. In the White House, President Obama confirmed that his plan would be to withdraw most of the US forces from Iraq within 16 months. The army generals immediately responded by suggesting a withdrawal within 23 months citing a number of unresolved strategic problems. Eventually a compromise – 19 months – was reached, but options to prolong indefinitely the presence of the US group of forces which is due to stay in Iraq after the general withdrawal in 2010 were invoked at the same time.

Evidently Obama expected to meet with opposition from the military in dealing with Afghanistan as well. To ensure clarity from the start he called his plan the “withdrawal strategy”, but judging by the information and comments in the US media, what we are going to witness is not exactly a withdrawal. The military hold that the situation with the Talibs would turn hopeless unless the US and NATO forces in Afghanistan are built up. The US Administration agreed and decided to increase the current 38,000 US and 25,000 NATO contingents in Afghanistan by 17,000 and 4,000 servicemen respectively. Unlike the case of Iraq, no specific withdrawal timetable for Afghanistan is even being discussed. Gen. David D. McKiernan who served recently as the US forces commander in Afghanistan said that a strengthened US contingent should stay in the country for at least another five years1. This would altogether mean a 12-year US military presence in Afghanistan. Other military commanders mentioned even longer terms. It appears that the notorious Bin Laden with his permanent threats is needed by Washington to justify the US military presence in Afghanistan.

And still, why is it that the US army – despite its servicemen getting killed in Iraq and Afghanistan – is reluctant to withdraw from the counties? Is the new US Administration interested in resolving the problems in them or is it simply trying to maintain status quo that makes it possible for the US to pursue its own agenda in the Middle East and South Asia? The first of the above must be true judging by the statements made by Obama, but if put under scrutiny his strategy looks more like a disguise for the same old politics implemented by former US President G. Bush.

Various interests make the US stay in the two regions. First, the Pentagon has to account for the enormous amounts of taxpayers' money it is absorbing. Secondly, there are also business interests involved. It is no secret that security is one of the most serious problems confronting oil companies in Iraq, and the US army – jointly with private security contractors – certainly can help. Over more than five years of the US occupation of Iraq quite a few US army servicemen, including those from the top command, started their own business in Iraq. Commercial interests make them want the US presence in Iraq to continue at any cost.

Obama is coming under pressure from the military-industrial complex not only because of his politics in Iraq and Afghanistan. Even the moderate plans to downsize certain defense programs are drawing strong criticism, especially from the ranks of Republican politicians. James Mountain "Jim" Inhofe from Oklahoma said: “President Obama is disarming America. Our sons and daughters are risking their lives fighting an enemy whose sole purpose is the destruction of our country and our way of life, while their president disarms America”2. Speaking recently at the American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research, John Cornyn, a Republican Senator from Texas, accused Obama's Administration of attempting “to cash in a peace dividend” and weakening the US defense. He said that “great powers, namely China and Russia, are pursuing independent military modernization programs to improve their military capabilities with the intention of rivaling the United States” while Obama's Administration is cutting the defense budget in the name of domestic priorities.

As for cutting the defense budget, that is clearly an overstatement. According to a report published by the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), the US military spending grew by 9.7% in 2008 and reached the astronomic figure of $607 bn (42% of the world's total). Compare: China, the country with the world's second largest military budget, spends about $120 bn on its defense.

Sen. Cornyn was discontent that in 2008 Pentagon got $50 bn less than it was promised. Besides, there is a plan not to buy the costly F-22 jet fighters and to stop manufacturing the C-17 strategic airlifters. However, lobbyists ignore the fact that the inefficient programs are being cut on Pentagon own suggestion. At the same time, a boost awaits more modern programs such as the production of the F-35 fighter and the missile defense systems capable of intercepting ballistic missiles at the initial phase of flight.

There are no reasons to regard Obama as a dove and a proponent of massive disarmament, though conflicts between him and the military-industrial complex are possible. The disagreements are purely tactical: there is a growing understanding in the ranks of the US establishment that the US is gradually losing its grip on global processes. What can it do to reverse the trend? There may be tactical disagreements, but there is unanimity among the US political class that this can be done only on the basis of building up the US military might and raising the potential of the US army to a new and higher level.


Global Research Articles by Alexander Frolov

Is there a closet door closed at the 11th Circuit Court of Appeals in Atlanta?

William H. ("Bill") Pryor, Jr., the former Attorney General of Alabama who was involved in the political prosecution by the Bush administration of Alabama Democratic Governor Don Siegelman and who squeaked by U.S. Senate confirmation after being nominated by George W. Bush to the 11th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals, appears to have a little something in his "closet." Pryor was confirmed by the Senate in 2005 in a 53-45 vote, his nomination being secured by a bi-partisan agreement between Senator John McCain and thirteen "Gang of 14" senators to force an "up or down" vote on three stalled Bush federal court nominees. Pryor was 43 when he was sworn in as a federal judge.

According to WMR sources in Alabama, Pryor, who now acts as a gatekeeper on the 11th Circuit for the Bush interests in Florida, Alabama, and other states in the jurisdiction, advertised himself during his younger days on a gay website called "Bad Puppy." There are also rumors from informed sources that naked photographs are held by some top Republicans and conservatives as an insurance policy that Pryor rules the correct way on issues on the 11th Circuit bench.

Pryor was George W. Bush's only appointment to the 11th Circuit.

WMR has obtained a copy of the page in the gay magazine where Pryor's advertisement allegedly appeared.

In a related article today, WMR reports on Pryor's involvement in denying an appeal by the Cuba Five, five Cuban intelligence agents who were convicted for spying for Cuba in Florida but who had been gathering intelligence on the funding mechanisms for terrorist groups based in south Florida that were targeting Cuba. Some of these mechanisms involved individuals close to former Florida Governor Jeb Bush and current Governor Charlie Crist, the latter having his own open closet problems.

Espionage in the United States and franchised U.S. foreign policy

In dropping the espionage case against former American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) officials Steve Rosen and Keith Weissman and dropping the prison sentence for their convicted Pentagon and Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) mole, Larry Franklin, the Obama Justice Department has sent a message to American citizens who possess security clearance or obtain classified information form those who do: "It is perfectly okay to spy for Israel. You will not face dire consequences if you violate your pledge to safeguard classified information. And you will not be held responsible for causing grave and serious damage to the national security of the United States if you commit espionage for Israel."

The reason why the Obama administration has given a free pass to American spies for Israel is clear: the Israel lobby, led by AIPAC, the Anti-Defamation League (ADL), and the Jewish caucus in Congress has received a "franchise" to handle U.S. foreign policy in the Middle East. The franchisees also have the power to grant amnesty to Americans accused of espionage for Israel.

The espionage case involving Franklin and his AIPAC and Mossad contacts did extremely grave damage to the national security of the United States. Among the classified information passed to Israeli intelligence was Top Secret/Sensitive Compartmented Information (TS/SCI) CIA files dealing with U.S. policy toward Iran and U.S. counter-terrorist activities in Saudi Arabia. By nature, such information yields the identification of sensitive sources and intelligence gathering methods, thus compromising those sources and methods to an Israeli intelligence structure, which has already has penetrated the inner circles of every major U.S. intelligence and law enforcement agency, including the CIA, National Security Agency (NSA), DIA, FBI, the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), and others.

In the Bush administration's indictment of Rosen and Weissman, a picture of a deep penetration Israeli intelligence operation was revealed. In addition to Franklin, David Satterfield, the former US ambassador to Lebanon and then the Deputy Chief of Mission in Baghdad under ambassador Zalmay Khalilzad, was identified as USGO-2 [U.S. Government source number 2] and as someone who discussed classified national security information with the non-cleared Rosen on two occasions, January 18 and March 22, 2002. Two other people identified in the indictment, USGO-1, a senior government official, and DOD-B, a Department of Defense official, remained unidentified but suspicion as to the identity of DOD-B centered on Douglas Feith, the Undersecretary of Defense for Policy, who was also under investigation for leaking classified information on Iraq and "Al Qaeda" to the neocon Weekly Standard. It is also known that then House Intelligence Committee member Representative Jane Harman (D-CA) tried to interfere in the Justice Department's probe of Rosen, Weissman and their American and Israeli co-conspirators however it was never revealed whether she was USGO-1.

The indictment of Rosen and Weissman also mentioned Foreign Officials 1, 2, and 3. (FO1, FO-2, FO-3) as being involved in the espionage conspiracy. One of the "foreign officials" (F0-3) was Franklin's main Mossad contact, Naor Gilon, the Mossad station chief at the Israeli embassy in Washington and the man who is now the right-hand man as foreign ministry chief of staff for Israel's racist/fascist Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman. The other "foreign official" (FO-2) was "retired" Mossad officer Uzi Arad, who is now the national security adviser to Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu. Both Gilon and Arad were involved in a major illegal foreign espionage operation in the United States and now serve at the top of the foreign policy and security infrastructure of the Israeli government. The identity of FO-1 is thought by many intelligence specialists to be Danny Ayalon, the Israeli ambassador to the United States, who now serves as Deputy Foreign Minister under Lieberman and is back working with his old Mossad station chief from the AIPAC espionage operation, Gilon, the ministry's chief of staff. The result of their present status is that Israel has become a top hostile intelligence and counter-intelligence threat to the United States.

The Obama administration and its predecessor have taken a hard-line approach to any U.S. government official who is suspected of communicating anything of a possible national security value to Cuba, a nation that unlike Israel has posed no hostile intelligence or national security threat to the United States since the end of the Cold War.

The hard-line approach to those who liaise with Cuba is due to more "franchising" of U.S. foreign policy to pressure groups. In the case of Cuba, the franchisees are the powerful and right-wing Cuban exile community centered in south Florida.

The most recent targets of the Cuban exile lobby, which patterns its influence-peddling after its ideological bed-partners at AIPAC, are a retired husband and wife from the State Department. Walter Kendall Myers and his wife Gwendolyn Steingraber Myers, both in their early 70s were arrested by the FBI in a dubious sting operation and charged with being long-time agents for the government of Cuba. It appears that their only crime was that they lived near the Cuban Interests Section in northwest Washington and likely accepted some invitations to interest section receptions and those thrown by the Cuban Mission to the United Nations in New York, and more egregious to the Cuban exiles, traveled to Cuba via Mexico in 1995 using aliases, a practice that is common among many Americans who want a hassle-free visit to Cuba and not face the problem of breaking U.S.-imposed sanctions on the country.

But when it comes to talking to Cuba, the Cuban exile lobby can be extremely tough on those who feel that it is proper and in the interests of the United States to maintain contact with the government in Havana.

Former Cuban President Fidel Castro called the indictment of the Myerses "ridiculous." However, the exile Cuban lobby's chief cheerleader, Senator Mel Martinez (R-FL) used the incident to call for a halt in any talks between the Obama administration and Cuba. The Cuban exile lobby has also railed against leftist governments in Venezuela, Bolivia, and Nicaragua and in doing so have a strong ally in AIPAC, which never fails to try to link Venezuela, Bolivia, Nicaragua, Ecuador and other progressive governments in Latin America to Iran, Hezbollah, Hamas, and whatever other bogeymen the Israeli propaganda and influence-peddling factories of disinformation and deceit in Washington can dream up. Recently, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, acting as if she is a leftover functionary of the Reagan-Bush administration, slashed U.S. economic aid to Nicaragua, which is governed by onetime arch-foe of the United States, the democratically-elected President Daniel Ortega. Ortega's sin is his diplomatic recognition of South Ossetia and Abkhazia, a slap at the Israeli, U.S., and neocon supported stooge regime of Mikhael Saakashvili in Georgia.

A former DIA analyst, Ana Belen Montes, was arrested by the FBI a little over a week after the September 11, 2001 attacks and charged with espionage for Cuba. In a plea deal, Montes pleaded guilty and was sentenced to 25 years in prison, which she is serving at the Federal Medical Center at Carswell in Texas, a specialized medical and mental health center for female prisoners. Montes was also accused by prosecutors of having access to intelligence about Afghanistan that could somehow aid Cuba, a rather nonsensical notion considering that Cuba had nothing to do with the Taliban or "Al Qaeda." It is also noteworthy that Montes's defense attorney was Plato Cacheris, the same lawyer who represented Franklin in the AIPAC case. Cacheris's brother is James Cacheris, the senior judge on the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Virginia and a one-time member of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court.

It is ironic that Montes's DIA colleague, Franklin, has been spared a prison term whereas Montes's prison release date is July 1, 2023. The imbalance is a result of the suffocating influence of two lobbies, the Israel lobby and the Cuban exile lobby, over United States foreign policy.

It is also noteworthy that it was the Carswell facility where Susan Lindauer, who was maintaining a back channel to Saddam Hussein's government before the 2003 U.S. invasion on behalf of her controllers at the CIA and DIA, was sent by then-U.S. Judge Michael Mukasey for "psychiatric evaluation." The case against Lindauer, who was accused of acting as an agent for Iraq, was later dropped. Lindauer spoke of the mistreatment and forced drug use employed by federal Bureau of Prisons officials on female inmates at the Carswell facility.

And while three Israeli government officials who committed espionage against the United States causing serious damage to the safety and well-being of every American citizen are now serving in top positions in the government of Israel, five Cuban intelligence agents who were trying to protect their nation from terrorist attacks being planned withn the ranks of the Cuban exiles in south Florida, are rotting in an American prison. The five Cuban nationals, Gerardo Hernández, Antonio Guerrero, Ramón Labañino, Fernando González, and René González, were convicted of espionage and a dubious charge of conspiracy to commit murder. However, they were monitoring Cuban exile groups in south Florida who had previously committed terrorist attacks in Cuba, including deadly attacks on foreign-owned hotels, and were planning additional attacks.

An appeal of their case before the 11th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals result in the Cuba Five's conviction being upheld and remanded the case back to the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of Florida. The 11th Circuit decision was drawn up by Judge William Pryor. An appeal by the five to the U.S. Supreme Court resulted in Obama administration Solicitor General Elena Kagan filing a brief requesting the Supreme Court to deny the Cubans' petition for a writ of certiorari. Kagan's decision provides yet another bellwether indicator of the connections between the Israel lobby and the Cuban exile lobby in meting out diametrically opposite justice in espionage cases. The unevenness in the scales of justice serve the interests of Israel and the Cuban right-wing exiles in Florida.

Militarism patriarchy capitalism pornography


By Stan Goff (4-2-09)

My thanks to Patricia Willis, who has been tireless in putting together this series, who has been a detailed coordinator, an inspired and thoughtful teacher, an engaged activist, and a friendly voice on the telephone until I had the pleasure of spending a little time with her in person this afternoon.

Gratitude also to Wake Forest University, and to all of you who have taken time out of your schedules to be here tonight. My thanks as well to the other speakers in this series, Catharine MacKinnon – who preceded me, and whose critique of liberal law and its relation to gender is a pivotal work in the larger critique of modern society – and Ann Wright, a personal friend and collaborator in the effort to expose militarism and mobilize resistance against the obscene resource wars that our government is waging against the peoples of Iraq, Afghanistan, and now Pakistan.

When Dr. Willis asked me to do it, she said she wanted me to talk about the relations between militarism, patriarchy, capitalism, and pornography… which sounds like a socio-political salad. In eating this salad, we have access to a lot of different dressings, or idea factions with names like liberal feminism, radical feminism, womanism, post-constructionism, anti-feminism, Marxist-feminism, ecofeminism, third-world feminism, and on and on.

A point that has to be made, however, is that these ideological dressings and this salad of categories – militarism, capitalism, patriarchy, and pornography – are haut cuisine, served almost exclusively in universities. This taxonomy is not part of the lexicon of most people. It’s the language of high-order thinking that is part of the social ecology of the university – and I’ll acknowledge here and now that calling it “high-order” thinking is an assumption within that same university culture. The university is predicated upon this assumption.

It’s a useful assumption, as long as we recognize the limits of its utility, and the taxonomies of social phenomena — like militarism, patriarchy, capitalism, and pornography — are also useful. We just need to put them back together when we’re done.

This freezing and disassembly of a reality that constantly emerges in a far more complex way is one of the main standpoints of the Academy. Universities subdivide reality as a matter of course, and so people take a course in psychology, or business management, or anthropology, or horticulture, or geography, or physics. This is both a reflection of and reproduction of specialization in the division of labor. And the university itself represents a cultural division of intellectual labor, which is enforced by credentialing, and mid-wived by the rituals of higher education.

Nonetheless, this is a useful taxonomy as long as we understand its limitations and dangers. The greatest difficulty with it is that each of the categories listed — patriarchy, militarism, capitalism, and pornography — is itself contested by the very people who spend a lot of time studying it, those being students, teachers, writers, and activists.

Before I do that, I need to make reference to some polarities, or unified opposites: the polarity of abstract versus concrete, of universal versus local, of public versus private, and of covenental relationships versus contractual relationships.

If I describe pornography, for example, as sexually explicit media, then I have abstracted, or universalized, the category. If I describe it as an industry, then I am somewhat less abstract or universal. If I describe a production process in a specific building and time, with specific people who have specific histories, then I am more local and specific; as I am local and specific if I describe a specific pornographic genre being consumed by a specific 40-year-old man sitting at a specific address on his computer, masturbating.

In fact, an enormous number of men — from teens to late middle age — do predominantly two things during personal, private time on computers: they watch (and masturbate to) pornography, and they play war games. I’ll come back to that in a moment, because it’s a somewhat-abstract, yet somewhat-concrete example of a connection between militarism and pornography.

The instant gratification as a sense of control and power that connects both these online activities is so obvious that I’m surprised there haven’t been multiple books written about that connection.

On the question of public versus private, we need some historical perspective to denaturalize this duality, since it has only fairly recently in the sweep of history been enshrined as a neutral abstraction by liberal law. Historically, this division between the public sphere and the private sphere was a highly gendered cultural norm, wherein men occupied public spaces in male-hierarchies or as abstract equals, and where women were consigned to the private sphere which was a male-over-female domain. The irony that privacy rights law can be used by some women to protect themselves from some men is as inescapable as the fact that the abstraction of the law, pretending that men and women are equal, generally favors the status quo… or male social power over women. Dr. MacKinnon’s book, “Toward a Feminist Theory of the State,” has laid out this contradiction very well.

The distinction between covenental and contractual relationships is even more obscure to us because the notion of contract is so completely embedded in modern culture.

Wambdi Wicasa wrote in 1974, “A CONTRACT is an agreement made in suspicion. The parties do not trust each other, and they set ‘limits’ to their own responsibility. A COVENANT is an agreement made in trust. The parties love each other and put no limits on their own responsibility. Indian Leaders made Treaties with the Great White Father and called them Covenants, sealing them with the smoke of the Sacred Pipe. The trouble began when the Great White Father, his Lieutenants and Merchants, looked on the Treaties and called them Contracts. Thus began — in the basic religious difference — the conflict between Cultures.”

Carole Pateman’s book, “The Sexual Contract,” is canonical on this topic, in particular the implicit contract between male and female sexual partners that traditionally means one woman is protected from all other men by one man, in exchange for fealty to that one man. In contractual relations there is always the expectation that one has to “hold up his or her side of the bargain.”

It’s not surprising that capitalism sprang from the same modernist impulse, with its philosophical axiom being something called a “social contract.” What Pateman points out is that with the waning of the medieval age in the now-dominant culture, and with the rise of modernism, patriarchy changed, too. Women were ruled by fathers in medieval society — what Pateman calles “paternal” patriarchy. With the entrance of contract theory and abstract equality, patriarchy became fraternal… that is, each woman was potentially available — abstractly — to all men. The shift from paternal patriarchy to fraternal patriarchy was accompanied by the development of liberal law, the notion of privacy rights, the contractualization of human relations, a global surge in colonization to underwrite capitalist expansion, and — with consequences that are frighteningly apparent nowadays — the commodification of the biosphere.

The philosophical corollary to this cultural tapestry was Cartesian dualism, with its separation between a so-called objective reality and intellectual or cultural “constructions.” Modernism was defined by the belief that the objective is the last word — and with this word, the apotheosis of science; and post-modernism, which I consider just the latest instantiation of modernism, was a reaction against this objectivist dogma, an instantiation that has drifted into claims that the cultural construction is the last word. This flipped the hierarchy, but it re-embraced the dualism.

Alf Hornborg wrote, as an academic, “It is not a coincidence that postmodern paralysis is a condition that mainly afflicts academics, for it is only at a distance that human meanings assume the appearance of ‘constructions’.”

In his book, “The Power of the Machine – Global Inequalities of Economy, Technology, and Environment,” Hornborg also points out that knowledge is never simply the apprehension of objective facts. “[M]aterial conditions” — he writes — “never directly determine human behavior, for humans can relate to those conditions only through a specific system of meanings.”

As he suggests, knowledge is constructed within the limits of those meanings, yet upon a so-called objective environment.

Maria Mies noted that the social constructionists had simply re-appointed the same old dualism.

In her book, “Patriarchy and Accumulation on a World Scale,” Mies also identifies a common thread between male domination of women, colonialism, and the destruction-through-commodification of the biosphere. That same common thread appears in the phenomenon of men playing war games on their computers and jacking off to the most overtly woman-humiliating genres of pornography: that common thread between male domination of women, colonialism, and ecocide is the conquest-ideal.

The conquest of women. The conquest of colonies. The conquest of nature. Women are called children; colonies are called children in the same spirit; and nature is seen as a woman to be, as Francis Bacon said, plundered for her secrets.

So with that preface I’ll take note that I am a man. For that reason, I am disqualified from speaking personally about the experience of being female; and for that same reason, I want to focus my talk on the experience of being a male. I cannot speak to or judge too harshly the accommodations that women make in their actual lives to the manifest reality of late capitalist — and still white dominant — patriarchy. I can, however, say what I think men should be doing differently; and I will.

I’ll say it now, in my best Romper Room vocabulary. Remember the DO-bees and DON’T-bees… oh well, I’ve seriously dated myself. Here is the Don’t List for men. Do not dominate. Do not humiliate. Do not retaliate.

That’s a hard don’t list for men, when the culture tells us incessantly and forcefully that to be a man means to dominate, to humiliate, and to retaliate. These are equated with strength; and they are counterposed to all things quote-feminine-unquote. This male norm of masculinity-as-conquest is ruthlessly policed in male culture, which is also a hotbox of probative escalation.

I could ask everyone in this room if you fear unknown men to raise your hand. You see I’m raising mine. Men proving themselves to other men can be the most terrifying thing you’ll ever see. I say that as a military veteran who worked in eight conflict areas, in Vietnam, Latin America, the Caribbean, and Africa. Men proving themselves to other men is as dangerous as it gets. There are people right here in this room who would be alarmed by the sudden sound of multiple male voices laughing nearby, because that sound can be so pregnant with mischief. Males are bonding. Escalations are possible.

This is male culture that idealizes the conquest of women, the conquest of colonies, and the conquest of nature. It is probative conquest, too; and it requires trophies for the other men to whom you are proving yourself, and as proof of masculinity to display for women.

If you can think back to the time in this terrible occupation of Iraq when Abu Masab al-Zarqawi was the boogy-man — when the media propagated the lie that every attack and every bomb was being made by this one wicked being — and if you can remember when Zarqawi was killed, the Central Command Public Affairs Officer who stood before the breathless media in the Green Zone was backgrounded by a giant photograph of the obviously dead face of Zarqawi.

This was a hunting trophy.

In displaying this most dangerous game, the Central Command was demonstrating its prowess in a war story that has been a social convention for so long that it has become a cultural memory, an axiomatic belief accompanied by deeply enculturated emotional resonance.

The idealization of the military, of the warrior, of the armed defender is so sacrosanct that every politician in the country feels obliged to genuflect as they talk about “heroes in uniform,” and “our brave men and women in the military.” The addition of women to that idealization has not fundamentally changed the fact that warfare is still the testing ground for masculinity; but it is a cultural advance — albeit a contradictory one — by liberal feminism, that public figures have to include women in this sinister idealization at all.

The realities of war are never abstract, no matter how many times pontificating generals announce how much they abhor the reality of war, or no matter how many times sycophant journalists make the idiotic claim that no one dislikes war more than those who fight them… this in reference to officers who sought out every combat opportunity they could find as a means of personal career advancement. While we are taught to praise them for their service-ethic, the reality is much more about naked ambitions combined with a deep desire for male-recognition in the role of conqueror.

The war in Southwest Asia right now is characterized by destabilization of culture and vicious bullying of the local populations, combined with terror attacks from helicopter gunships, bombers, and armed unmanned aerial drones. Our heroes are still mostly non-combatants; and our combatants are obliged by their mission statements to control a population… which translates into dominate, humiliate, and retaliate. Think of Iraq and Afghanistan, and very soon now Pakistan as Obama goes east to get his bones, as captive populations, with our heroes in uniform acting as jailers, and we can make sense yet again of the discoveries of the Stanford Prison Experiment — where playacting the role of prison guard turned average college students into pain-inflicting sadists within a week.

We live into stories. I know that’s not how most sociologists or psychologists explain our meaning-making behavior; only religions seem to have held onto this idea… which goes some way to explaining their persistence, for ill and for good. The fact is, human beings are storied. We receive stories, then we live into them. There is a story about America that we’ve all heard, and the living into that story is called citizenship, because it is a national story, and the protagonist is the citizen. And while the ideal is portrayed as Washington crossing the Delaware or Lincoln signing the Emancipation Proclamation or Rambo fighting the politicians who supposedly stabbed the Vietnam heroes in the back… most of us cannot live directly into the big story that is the idealization of the citizen, so we behave as something called “good citizens” as our way of living into the story that the ideals construct for us.

Stories tell us how we are to be and how we are to know.

Even a one-minute television ad is a story, telling us who we are and how to be and how to know.

Pantene, because you’re worth it; or — mobilizing simultaneous attraction and repulsion — Preparation H, gives relief and doesn’t require surgery. Advertisers know more about the material power of the narrative than most cultural constuctionists. All people in all times and all places are storied people.

Coming back to the issue of capitalism, and being more concrete than that one word - capitalism — can be, I’ll say coming back to imperial-core, late capitalist consumerism; US culture reflects the globally generalized financial architecture, within which the US has been for several decades — until now — the global consumer of last instance, ensuring the so-called virtuous cycle of capital. The fact that it was built on a house of credit cards at home, and the hegemony of a too-big-to-fail US dollar abroad, is not my subject tonight. In our de-localized, ever-more-monocultural, technology-dependent world, we are experiencing a surfeit of stories — most designed to correct the capitalist nightmare of people having enough. When people have enough, capitalism has a crisis. That crisis is held back by demand production. Advertisers create new needs, and sell them into the psychic spaces of our own alienations and anxieties.

Postmodernist recognition of these very-plural narratives is an important challenge to the self-assuredness of a highly technologized society, but postmodernism became too clever by half in its critiques of modernist assumptions. In challenging the metanarratives of capitalist science and development, the critique was aimed at an older, more stable form of modernism.

This widening anachronism left postmodernism vulnerable to the episteme of plain, garden-variety consumerism: the ideology that says choice is freedom, and now even something called “identity” is available for a kind of shopping aisle selection.

I still prefer the term personhood to identity, because personhood — for me — embraces the whole phenomenon of experience without reducing it to identity, and in a way that is more permeable to all the influences of culture and our ecology.

The abstraction and atomization of core-nation consumer culture pretends that is has escaped the inextricable relation between our physical ecology, our culture, and personhood. By that I mean that the ideology of self, of the ever-choosing individual, whether that is Homo economicus or the selection of de-localized, shopping cart identities. It’s liberalism in its slyest form.

It fails to come to grips with issues of real power and privilege, and it fails to acknowledge how our de-localization is tearing down the complexity of a bioshpere that has taken billions of years to develop. Liberalism tells us a story about the abstract equality — equality before the law — of white, black, brown, of native and foreign, of male and female, of rich and poor, gay and straight, and yet we know that concretely that these equalities just ain’t so.

Being more specific still, liberalism tells us that men and women are equal. What does that mean? What do we mean by this equality? We are not the same morphologically — and I don’t mean to exclude those few who fall into neither category. By and large, we are overwhelmingly a sexually dimorphous species, so the equality can’t be physical. I can’t give birth, and I can’t nurse, and I have experienced neither menarche or menopause.

This is an embarrassment to liberalism to say this, because the equality of liberalism is disembodied; so the liberal reply is that we are all equal before the law, or that we are all morally valued equally. But, of course, that’s not true either except as an abstraction. When we point this out, then liberalism shifts premises on us, and says that it means “equal opportunity.”

Game over. Accountability canceled. It’s about something called opportunity, disembodied, floating, ahistorical, waiting to be breathed in out of the ether.

Abstract equality legitimates concrete-power and ends up preserving and even reproducing hierarchies that devalue people.

Patriarchy is a practice and an ideology based on the devaluation of women.

What the great radical feminists pointed out, which seems clear to me at least, is that women-as-a-group are different from men-as-a-group, culturally but also physiologically — and culture and physiology never ever exist apart in the concrete world — but that difference is not grounds for the establishment of oppressive hierarchies. Now we know that these hierarchies exist, and have existed. Basic to those social hierarchies is the male-conquest-ideal… control of women, control of colonies, and control of nature.

We may not like them, but we swim in the actual soup of this system, doing the best we can with what we know and have. Like it or not, our personhood always being permeated by culture-as-it-is, which is in turn always permeated by the ecology, which in turn shapes personhood, and so forth.

Being in the hierarchies means it is difficult – sometimes impossible – to see these big pictures, because life is lived in little pictures.

So the hierarchies themselves are formative of our personhood. This questioning of sexual hierarchy imposed on difference required historical subjects — women themselves — to pose the question; and posing the question was itself a radical political practice carried directly into that ecology where patriarchy was and is practiced with the least mediation — the private sphere.

Let me stop and take a quick survey. How many of you have ever felt humiliated by your own chosen actions while applying for a job, or a scholarship, or a school, or in managing a relationship?

Folks, we make compromises with power every single day. Does that mean we have to come up with some abstract principle that conceals the contingent necessity for compromise?

I bring this up, because I want to inoculate us against the First Amendment.

That got some head-scratching started.

I want to talk about pornography before I’m through tonight; but I have to say this right out of the gate: I am not proposing the criminalization of anything, and the First Amendment falls into that abstract liberal law category. I don’t want to talk about pornography in general; and I haven’t the least intention of raising hypothetical questions about pornography. I am going to critique actually-existing pornography. The First Amendment cannot be used to immunize pornography from critique, any more than it can immunize perfectly-legal Nazi propaganda from critique. What the First Amendment is, is a big red herring.

Three very prominent themes in commercially produced pornography are… are you ready? Can you guess?

Domination. Humiliation. Revenge.

There is such a thing, concretely, in every society, as male-culture. That it is male culture is not disproved by the fact that women can and do sometimes act in ways that are similar to male-cultural norms. These are cultural norms, not laws of physics.

Domination. Humiliation. Revenge.

Folks, this is male-culture ideology; and it is part and parcel of the social hierarchy of men-over-women. These are not merely ideas. These are deeply emotionally resonant norms embedded in patriarchy, and they are highly, highly eroticized.

Now there’s something I hear all the time, and I think it’s silly as hell: Rape is not about sex; it’s about power. Who thought that up? When in knowable history has sex ever been independent of or innocent of power? Of course rape is sexual. It is sexualized force; and it is forcible sex.

The abstraction of sex out of its actual cultural and historical context is a liberal stunt in reaction to conservative prudery. Conservatives say sex is bad; so we say sex is good. Neither of these notions is tenable, because both are uncritically simplified, and each makes a straw man out of the otheer.

People enjoy sex… well, some people do… and some don’t. The critique on the table is not whether sex feels good or not.

People like to eat McDonalds and smoke cigarettes; but that doesn’t mean it’s “good.” And asserting someone’s rights in these regards — when we are simply critiquing it — is a red herring.

I said earlier that If I describe pornography as sexually explicit media — a very abstract way of describing it, then I have drained the content of the category of any tangible reality. The reaction of paternalist patriarchal conservatives, male and female — those who we identify with the religious right, for example — does not challenge the abstraction of the category, sex, but puts a minus-sign next to it. A straw man, of course, because the conservative position is not that simple either.

The liberal reaction to the straw-man conservative reaction has been to put a plus-sign alongside the category, arguing from the rootless, placeless, ahistorical position that - quote - sex is good - unquote.

Both these positions accept the unstated premise that sex can be generalized thus, that it can be abstracted out of history, out of our specific social ecologies, and out of real systems of social power.

Combine this tendency to treat all issues as if history is simply a playground of abstract ideas… combine that tendency with another unexamined two-stage premise — that we must be effective in pursuing political agendas, and that that efficacy is possible only in the arena of public policy — and we have a situation wherein the tail of the political agenda begins to wag the dog of honest criticism.

We have intellectual dishonesty on both sides of a debate.

The debate about abortion is a classic example, where each side of the barricades is driven to simplify, obfuscate, and employ disingenuousness in order to strengthen its own half of the public controversy. A decision that is, in fact, for real people, complicated, situated, unique, and often very momentous, is reduced to two words: life and choice, both polemical simplifications that try to squeeze this visceral, often painful, and always extremely complicated circumstance with real people into some universal principle that is forced to externalize complexity — that is, the specific realities of real people. So, instead of a critical account — one that takes a fearless look at these complexities without the distortions of a long standing policy agenda — we get this polarized and mutually dishonest one. And, of course, we also get an impasse.

Pornography is just as contentious, although the critical debates over it haven’t filtered into the kind of all-consuming policy-agenda struggle as the question of abortion. It has turned into a struggle over an abstract principle enshrined as the First Amendment. The result has been the exclusion of one of the most important critical voices — in my opinion — with regard to actually-existing pornography — not the abstract pornography that is contested in the narrow debate about what is abstractly called “protected speech.” That critical voice has been radical feminism, a standpoint quite distinct from liberal feminism because it has refused to accept the tendency to compartmentalize public discourse in categories that implicitly privilege public policy struggles as the touchstone of critical discourse. Not least, because public policy, and all the dominant ideas about it, are still man-world.

Radical feminism put the challenge out there that made it the skunk at the party. It asked the question whether real sex — in all its manifestations — has ever existed, or can ever exist, in a universe apart from actually-existing social power. This refusal to subordinate critical questions to the unexamined premise of the primacy of public-policy debates created embarrassment on both sides of the pornography debate between conservatives and liberals.

Instead, radical feminists focused on the most direct and sexual form of domination in actual practice: rape… also a favorite porn story convention (as well as being one aspect of the industry’s actual practice).

As it turns out, the stark and disturbing lens of rape reveals several dimensions of our social relations. The domination of women-as-women by men-as-men has long served as a metaphor, and therefore a model, for other forms of domination. And this is the juncture at which I need to take notice of something I’ve left unsaid so far.

Our standpoint now, in this talk, is eurocentric, core-nation… imperial. I’ve already made several references to the conquest of women corresponding in our minds to the conquest of nature. And I’ve already made reference to the construction of masculinity being centered on the conquest ideal. Now I have to fess up, that this is not the whole story. While emulated within the 20th Century by non-Europeans during the heyday of “development,” the conquest of nature notion has its deepest historical roots in the Atlantic, where hydrocarbon industrialism took off and facilitated European, then American, colonialism.

The conquest-ideal I’ve described is something available only to males in the imperium. The men in the periphery, in the colonies, formulate masculinities, even oppressive masculinities; but they are not identical with masculinity that is constructed from a standpoint near the apex of the inter-national pyramid. Concomitantly, femininity is constructed differently in colonized communities. These differences are not an outcome of chosen identities in a diffuse social plurality, but determined to a significant extent by the relations between the colonizer and the colonized.

And colonization is always racialized.

We needn’t go across the ocean to find our examples. We live in North Carolina, where we are still largely segregated by race… separated spatially — with, of course, consumer spaces as our primary cross-racial shared space — and separated residentially, culturally, socio-economically, and ecologically.

If we want to see a snapshot of the racial divide, one that has been layered over with new contradictions since the 1991 peso collapse and the wave of immigration from Latin America, we can simply think back on the variant reactions between white and Black, as well as between white and Black women, to the OJ Simpson murder trial.

That difference is accounted for by two dramatically different standpoints: one group with colonial privilege, and one living as the colonized. White women share Black women’s fear of men; but Black women also fear the police because Black people have good reason to fear the police. So white folk put the burden of proof on OJ; but Black folk put the burden of proof on the police. History matters; and so does standpoint.

Another lens though which we can explore this standpoint variance is through rape. It’s a dense, complicated intersection, this race and rape; so I’ll only sketch it here and leave you to reflections on your experience. I’ll start with prison figures, just to reiterate the coloniality of the white-Black — and more and more white-Brown — relation… Barack Obama’s presidency notwithstanding.

More than 60% of the people in prison are now racial and ethnic minorities. For Black males in their twenties, one in every eight is in prison or jail on any given day. Until the economic collapse hit and forced states to halt increasing prison population — which they are just trying to figure out now, for fiscal reasons — one out of every three Black males could expect to spend time incarcerated in his lifetime. It’s a stunning figure, and it is based on laws adopted to end-run the abolition of Jim Crow, as well as huge sentencing disparities.

The interesting thing about prison, in this context however, is how we – white, non-incarcerated men in particular — think about prison. In any all-white-male gathering, when the topic of prison comes up, the topic of rape nearly always comes up too… usually as a form of humor that has the character of someone whistling past the graveyard.

Men’s concern about rape — a source of constant threat and subliminal fear for women — is generally not very acute; but when the possibility of being raped themselves is brought forward, then it becomes scandalous and terrifying.

Part of that white-male terror is associated with the dread-laden fantasy of being raped by Black men, which maps directly onto an old Southern colonial standby meme: the notion of the Black satyr, of Black men as predisposed — moreso than other men — to commit rape. This notion has been trotted out by every demagogue in the South during the most vicious anti-Black pograms; and it is still central to the world-view of the white-male conservative political base in the South, but also now more generally.

It was a proprietary standpoint, with women as property and men as embodying the actual people, wherein the dominant male was protecting His women from contamination by the male Other.

Black men have historical experience of being persecuted, using the feared or alleged rape of white women; and Black women have been involved as the sisters, mothers, aunts, grandmothers, friends, and spouses of the very Black men who were persecuted using trumped-up rape charges. As Andrea Dworkin wrote:

“In the United States, with its distinctly racist character, the very fear of the dark is manipulated, often subliminally, into fear of black, of black men in particular, so that the traditional association between rape and black men that is our national heritage is fortified. In this context, the imagery of black night suggests that black is inherently dangerous. In this context, the association of night, black men, and rape becomes an article of faith. Night, the time of sex, becomes also the time of race–racial fear and racial hatred. The black male, in the South hunted at night to be castrated and/or lynched, becomes in the racist United States the carrier of danger, the carrier of rape. The use of a racially despised type of male as a scapegoat, a symbolic figure embodying the sexuality of all men, is a common male-supremacist strategy. Hitler did the same to the Jewish male. In the urban United States, the prostitute population is disproportionately made up of black women, streetwalkers who inhabit the night, prototypical female figures, again scapegoats, symbols carrying the burden of male-defined female sexuality, of woman as commodity. And so, among the women, night is the time of sex and also of race: racial exploitation and sexual exploitation are fused, indivisible. Night and black: sex and race: the black men are blamed for what all men do; the black women are used as all women are used, but they are singularly and intensely punished by law and social mores; and to untangle this cruel knot, so much a part of each and every night, we will have to take back the night so that it cannot be used to destroy us by race or by sex.” END QUOTE

Colonizers always racialize the colonized, which is to say, subtract an element of the colonized person’s basic humanity.

What white men fear in their fantasies about prison is that the tables will be turned. They already have been taught — as men — that sex has an aspect of domination and vengeance. The language we hear in pornographic conventions, language that has been tested for its marketability, includes “Take that, you bitch,” or “I’m gonna make you squeal.”

It drips with aggression, no pun intended.

We all know that many men see having sex with a despised man’s wife, daughter, mother… is seen as pure vengeance. We are all familiar with the use of sexual language to describe extreme aggression…. part of the will to dominate. Men already see this, and we have already internalized it, and white men who haven’t been to prison, but who fantasize their dread of prison, also already see prison as a place where the protection of their privilege will disappear, and where the Black rapist of the white imagination will have the opportunity to get revenge.

This notion of a frontier between safe-world and dark-dangerous-world – a frontier that has to be guarded and policed – is fundamental to the narrative of every prison, and of every war.

One of the major difficulties of reforming prisons is that many people see the possibility of rape in prison to be a legitimate part of the convicted person’s comeuppance. We, as a society, have legitimized sexual revenge, rape as revenge and domination, every time we celebrate the notion that one of the bad guys — however we define that — will get what’s coming to him in prison.

If you misbehave, this trope tells us, your comeuppance will be that you will become like a woman. You will become subject to rape.

Sexual humiliation is understood very well for its power. We saw that in the photos from Abu Ghraib. We see it in our literature and films. It is acted out explicitly in much pornography.

The intersection of race and sex brings two taxonomies of power together; and the mix has proven volatile in more ways than one. The Black man-white woman pair — in reality or imagination — is still the trigger for white masculine insecurity… and rage. Proprietary rage, fueld by the fear of contamination spilling across one of those sealed frontiers.

One of the ways that rage is eroticized — and made manageable — is in a pornographic film convention that features a white woman with one or more Black men.

As culture has evolved in the US, younger folks have become less scandalized by interracial pairing, not surprisingly at the same time that younger people tend to get less exercised by same-sex erotic affinities; and many of us are tempted to see this as progress of a sort. I am. It is.

But this hasn’t been the whole story of our newfound tolerance of sexual diversities; and let me say for the record that I celebrate that the world has become a somewhat less hostile place for many members of our human family.

A critical concern with the actual culture of tolerance described here is that the tolerance is embraced not for its political content — which is potentially subversive of power — but because this tolerance is part of a live-and-let-live attitude of disengagement… or rather, I might call it a permanent state of irony, a flirtation with meaninglessness, or — what Richard Rorty called approvingly — light-minded aestheticism.

If that light-mindedness, and the un-named imperial privilege that is its precondition, is challenged critically, that challenge has met with defensive rationalizations, the most pernicious of which is that the mere act of transgressing norms is somehow — and magically — subversive.

On the contrary, the transgression of boundaries — and this applies erotically as well as counter-culturally — validates the boundaries themselves; because the crossing of the boundary is the kick. Nancy Hartsock writes, in her book, “Money, Sex, and Power”:

“In pornography, the body — usually a woman’s body — is presented as something that arouses shame, even humiliation, and the opposition of the spirit or mind to the body — the latter sometimes referred to as representing something bestial or non-human — generates a series of dualities… Pornography is built around, plays on, and obsessively recreates these dualities. The dichotomy between spiritual love and “carnal knowledge” is re-created in the persistent fantasy of transforming the virgin into the whore. She begins pure, innocent, fresh, even in a sense disembodied, and is degraded and defiled in sometimes imaginative and bizarre ways.

Transgression is important here: Forbidden practices are being engaged in. The violation of the boundaries of society breaks its taboos. Yet the act of violating a taboo, of seeing or doing something forbidden, does not do away with the forbidden status. Indeed, the way women’s bodies are degraded and defiled in the transformation of the virgin into the whore simply crosses over and over again the boundary between them. Without the boundary, there could be no transformation. And without the boundary to violate, the thrill of transgression would disappear.”

I tend to agree with Dr. Hartsock that transgression, then, as a value in and of itself, ends up promoting self-indulgence and self-involvement as magical antidotes to social boundaries, while having the opposite, or at least no, effect on the structural conditions that constituted the boundaries in the first place.

It has the character of trying to shock one’s parents to get noticed.

Without an analysis of power, we might fail to see that dominant groups always transgress boundaries… that this transgression is a prerogative of power.

Now let me remind us that — in this respect, especially — imperial militarism — IN PRACTICE — is the same as the aspect of pornography that Hartsock describes, and moreso now in the information age.

Near the beginning of this talk, I painted the picture of a core-nation, middle-class male, sitting at a computer. This male was either watching porn and masturbating, or he was playing war games — that is, entertaining himself by pretending he was killing human beings. In both cases, this man at the monitor was engaged in a kind of voyeurism, the voyeurism of sex and the voyeurism of war.

In some ways, our zeitgeist might be characterized as voyeurism… as participation from an anonymous distance in transgressive-thrills.

Our man at the monitor can participate at a safe distance in a gang-bang or a firefight. Anyone who might happen to see him and not his monitor — and maybe not his lap — would see a man sitting at a computer, who is outwardly very different from the intra-psychic imaginings of that same man.

A liberal political description of this empirical picture — the man sitting in front of the monitor — is that he is not bothering anyone, and that whatever he is doing on that computer is his choice. Fair enough.

But a critical political description requires us to ask questions about that intra-psychic space, about the physical ecology and the ideational ecology and the historicized culture that all impinge upon and constantly re-determine the whole gestalt of this man at the computer. Who are the real people caricatured in the porn flick? What happens in real wars? When the game is over, what real lives are resumed, and how have those real lives been affected?

Near the beginning, I posed a few polarities: abstract versus concrete, universal versus local, public versus private, and covenental relationships versus contractual relationships. Now I want to come back to these polarities to close.

Men who are trapped in the mind-numbing and anodyne grid of core-nation middle-class existence, and simultaneously trapped in the expectations of male personhood — based still on the idealization of conquest — live into stories or recreations of that conquest vicariously. Concretely, there are billions of dollars being made to satisfy the market for vicarious fucking and killing, and the development of these vicarious-thrill commodities uses real people for their development. Porn uses so-called models or actors, but also producers and directors and pimps. War game developers rely heavily on the experience of people who have actively participated in killing people in actual wars… still extant.

The objectification of women and enemies, one to reduce her to a sex toy and one to reduce him or her to a corpse, is abstract to the imaginary person watching the man at the monitor. The actual consequences of objectification that is part of the everyday experience of women and so-called enemies is not abstract in the least. These objectifying consequences involve rape kits, body bags, funerals, addiction, captivity, and fear. Plenty of fear.

Enemies are always feminized and racialized. The American soldier calls the Iraqi a “hadji” when the Iraqi is at a distance, and “bitch” when the soldier has a boot on the Iraqi’s neck.

When women told us that the personal is the political, they were telling us that we — as men — were pretending that power was an issue only in the polis, in the town square or work site where men pontificated.

Women told us that there was a power dynamic at home, too, where the violations of good will and good faith are deep and hurtful because this is where we men most liked to pretend that we were in covenental, not contractual, relationships.

Our violations of good will and good faith in the private sphere were not contract violations, but betrayal of a covenent of friendship, again as Wambdi Wicasa said, “an agreement made in trust [wherein] the parties love each other and put no limits on their own responsibility.”

Militarism, capitalism, patriarchy, pornography…. these are the tendencies of power in one-single emergent reality; and we have our day-to-day, concrete, local, and even private practices to negotiate a system that holds us all within it. And the best I can offer is that simple challenge to men, that might give our sisters, all members of the human family, and ourselves a breathing space to figure out how to move toward a story and a world of covenants, not contracts. That challenge is the don’t-list.

We can do this a day at a time, so it isn’t overwhelming. Today, we can say as men, I will pay attention. Today, I will not dominate. Today, I will not humiliate. Today, I will not retaliate. Not even vicariously.

Thank you, and God bless you for your patience and attention.

Posted by stan in Analysis